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Yu Dahai,     Wang Dan

Hu Ping,     Xue Wei

Chen Kuide,     Zheng Yi

 

 

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Fang Lizhi

Situ Hua

Yu Ying-shi

Perry Link

Yang Liyu

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  • Beijing spring Aug 2007, Issue 171
     

    Brief of No.171:

    July 1st of this year marked the ten-year anniversary of Hong Kong's Return to Chinese Sovereignty. The front page headline of the current issue is "Penetrating the Ten-Year Anniversary of Hong Kong's Return to Chinese Sovereignty". From the chief editor, Hu Ping put out the article of "Time Can Only Raise the Value of Evilness". In the column of "Front Page Headline", Beijing Spring issued the articles of "Basic Law and Basic Lawlessness of Hong Kong" written by Liu Zili from Beijing; "Hong Kong Repatriated Students of Fa Lun Gong and ”®One Country, Two Systems'" written by Wu Fan;........

    Table of Contents
    From the Chief Editor
    03. "Time Can Only Raise the Value of Evilness" / Hu Ping

    From the President
    04. Tragedy Really Won't Come Again? / Wang Dan

    Front Page Headline: Penetrating the Ten-Year Anniversary of Hong Kong's Return to Chinese Sovereignty
    06. Basic Law and Basic Lawlessness of Hong Kong / Liu Zili (Beijing)
    11. Hong Kong Repatriated Students of Fa Lun Gong and "One Country, Two Systems" / Wu Fan
    14. The Reverse of Hong Kong's Press Freedom / Zhang Jing

    Political Situations in China
    17. Chinese Communist Party Resists Nationalization of Military / Lu Gengsong (Shandong)
    23. Democracy Has Become a Noun Game / Fu Guoyong (Zhejiang)

    About China
    27. The Moral Responsibility of News Media / Qiao Xinsheng (Wuhan)
    28. The Lawyer's Pleading Notes in the Case of ”®Li Yuan Long' / Li Jianqiang (Shandong)

    The Fifty-Year Anniversary of Anti-Right Movement
    31. The Termination of Liberalism and the Ebb of Communism / Fang Lizhi
    39. The Beginning of Great Catastrophe in Contemporary China / Xu Liangying (Beijing)
    43. The Social Democratic Idea of Zhou Juzheng / Ge Li and Cui Yousheng (Szechuan)
    46. Tracing the Rightists' Situation (5) / Zhou Suzi (New Zealand)

    Quest for Theory
    51. Anemic Economics / Hu Ping
    54. Communism Is Precisely Terrorism / Yu Jie (Beijing)

    International Vision
    60. Historical Comparison of Mass Demonstration Suppressions between Chinese Government and the United States Government / Fang Yan
    65. The Concern That Hungary Paid to Tibet / Zhong Shi (Hungary)

    Historical Testimony
    68. The Communist Party Changed Face / Tu Longzhi
    72. The True and Fake Story of Luding Bridge / Dong Fu (Chengdu)
    75. I Look At the ”®Seven-Thousand People Conference' / Zhang Heci (Australia)

    The Wall of Democracy
    78. Pro-Democracy Movements and Political Refugees / Tang Yuanjun
    81. Criticisms on Pro-Democracy Movements Have To Be Appropriate / Liu Guokai
    86. The Mission of Pro-Democracy Movement Politician / Wang Xizhe
    87. General Knowledge about China (12) / Chen Pokong

    Readings
    90. Listen to Zhao Ziyang's Discussion on Reformation / Shu Chong
    93. The History Crevice from the Ancient Time through Presence / Zhang Yaojie (Beijing)

    Literatures:
    96. The Bleached Years / Northern Cloud (Thailand)

    Brief Messages
    98. Dalai Lama Delivered a Speech in Sydney / Qin Jin (Australia)
    99. Cooperation Is A Way Out of Chinese Pro-Democracy Movement / Tian Mu (Germany)
    101. Brief Messages

    Readers, Writers, and Editors
    Letters Received

     


    Members of Beijing Spring's Advisory Board

    Fang Lizhi, professor of physics at University of Arizona. As the former vice president of Chinese University of Science and Technology, he inspired the 1989's Chinese Democracy movement and then was forced to seek refuge in the American Embassy for about a year after the June 4 crackdown.

    Guo Luoji, a leading liberal theoretician who was driven out of Beijing by Former Chairman Deng Xiaoping because of his political opinion. In 1992, he sued the Chinese government for human rights abuses in a Federal Court of law. Now he is a visiting scholar at Harvard University.

    Smarlo Ma Smarlo Ma is pen name of Mr. Yi Ma. Joining the CommunistParty of China in 1937, he became Director of the Library of the Anti-Japanese Military and Political College in Yan-an in 1938. He formally left the Party in 1943. as a well known expert on the history of the Communist party of china, he has often been invited to present papers in international conferences of Asian specialists. He has published mora than 20 books.

    Perry Link, professor of East Asian Studies at Princeton University. He specializes in 20th-century Chinese literature and is very concerned with human rights condition in Mainland China.

    Liu Qing, Chairman of the Executive Committee of Human Rights in China. As a democracy promoter and a close ally of Wei Jingsheng, he had been jailed by Chinese government for almost ten years.

    Andrew Nathan, professor of Political Science and Director of East Asian Institute at Columbia University. His teaching and research interests include Chinese politics and foreign policy, the comparative study of political participation and political culture, and human rights. He has published numerous books and articles on China's politics.

    Situ Hua, president of the Hong Kong Alliance in Support of Patriotic and Democratic Movement in China. Mr. Situ is a member of the Hong Kong legislature and an important leader of the Democratic Party of Hong Kong.

    Su Shaozhi, chairman of Princeton China Initiative. Once served as the director of the Institute of Marxism-Leninism-Mao Zedong Thought of the Chinese Academy of Social Sciences, he is a leading liberal political theoretician in China.

    Su Xiaokang, a Chinese writer well known for his epic The River's Elegy, a critical television program about China's political and cultural evolution. As an active participator in the 1989 democracy movement, he was forced to leave China. Now he is a fellow of the Princeton China Initiative and publisher of the bi-monthly journal "The Democratic China".

    Yang Liyu, professor of East Asian Studies at Seton Hall University

    Yu Ying-shi, professor of history at Princeton University. Mr. Yu has been a leading critic on the tyranny of the Chinese communists after he left China in 1950. After the Chinese government crackdown on the Democracy Movement in 1989, he devoted himself into helping the fled Chinese activists to settle down in the U.S and setting up the Princeton China Initiative.


    Members of Beijing Spring's Editorial Board

    Yu Dahai, Publisher of Beijing Spring and assistant professor of economics at Tufts University. Graduated from Beijing University and received a Ph.D. degree from Princeton University, he served as Chief Editor of Beijing Spring from June 1993 to June 1996 and then as President from June 1996 to September 2002. He is founding president of the Chinese Economists Society and former president of the Chinese Alliance for Democracy and the China Spring magazine.

    Wang Dan, President of Beijing Spring since September 2002. As a student leader from Beijing University in the 1989's Democracy Movement, he was on the most wanted list of the Chinese government after the June 4 crackdown. After being imprisoned for political reasons from July 1989 to February 1993 and again from May 1995 to April 1998, he came to the United States ad is now a doctoral student in Harvard University.

    Hu Ping, Chief Editor of Beijing Spring since 1996 and a regular commentator for Radio Free Asia. Received a Master's degree in philosophy from Beijing University and studied at Harvard University, he was once the Chief Writer of Beijing Spring from June 1993 to June 1996. He is former president of the Chinese Alliance for Democracy and the China Spring magazine.

    Chen Kuide, fellow of Princeton China Initiative and program host for Radio Free Asia. As once the Chief Editor of Shanghai's Thinker magazine, he actively took part in the 1989 democracy movement. He later received a Ph.D. degree in philosophy from Fudan University.

    Zheng Yi, member of the Princeton China initiative and a famous political critic. He once wrote articles to expose the cannibalism in Guangxi during the Great Cultural Revolution in China. As an important leader of the 1989 democracy movement, he was forced to leave China in 1992.

    Xue Wei, Manager of Beijing Spring since 1993. He was imprisoned in Sichuan for ten years for "counter-revolutionary activities" in the 1970's. He was among the founding members of the Chinese Alliance for Democracy and the China Spring magazine and has always served as a leader in promoting Chinese Democracy Movement dating back 1982.

     

     

     

     

     

     

     

     

     

    This Month

    Brief of No. 171

    Translated by Soo Chong

    1. Front Page Headline: Penetrating the Ten-Year Anniversary of Hong Kong's Return to Chinese Sovereignty

    July 1st of this year marked the ten-year anniversary of Hong Kong's Return to Chinese Sovereignty. The front page headline of the current issue is "Penetrating the Ten-Year Anniversary of Hong Kong's Return to Chinese Sovereignty". From the chief editor, Hu Ping put out the article of "Time Can Only Raise the Value of Evilness". In the column of "Front Page Headline", Beijing Spring issued the articles of "Basic Law and Basic Lawlessness of Hong Kong" written by Liu Zili from Beijing; "Hong Kong Repatriated Students of Fa Lun Gong and ”®One Country, Two Systems'" written by Wu Fan; and "The Reverse of Hong Kong's Press Freedom" written by Zhang Jing.

    Hu Ping's article criticized and disputed over the conversation that Deng Lin, the eldest daughter of Deng Xiaoping, contributed in the interview about ”®June 4th' in Hong Kong on the eve of ten-year anniversary of Hong Kong's Return to Chinese Sovereignty. Deng Lin said that the incident of ”®June 4th' was a collective decision made by the then CPC leaders, and people should not judge in a way that it was a concrete responsibility of a certain leader. Hu Ping pointed out Deng Xiaoping was the culprit of the incident of ”®June 4th', and it is futile for Deng Lin to absurdly deny the fact. By acting in that reaction, Deng Lin was only exposing her guilt in conscience. Hu Ping believes that as time goes by, not only the heinous sin of ”®June 4th' has not been reduced, but it is further extending instead. Under the terrorful shadow of ”®June 4th', China's economic development is paying the price for serious social differentiation and moral depravation, the growth of its national power is bound to strengthen autocratic tyranny together with gradually becoming a great threat of human freedom and peace.

    Liu Zili's article analyzed the origin and development of CPC's "One Country, Two System". At the base of revolution, Yanan, where it advocates revolutionary revolt, has long been "One Country, Two System": it carries out Bourgeoisie as regards to the party's rich and powerful; and it carries out first, not afraid of bitterness, and second, not afraid of death, as regards to cannon fodder and small soldiers. The true demand of proletariat revolution was not establishing a proletariat country, but establishing the authority of proletariat revolutionaries yearning for bourgeoisie prerogative. While analyzing the problem of ”®mainlandized' Hong Kong or ”®Hong-Kongized' mainland, the author pointed out that under the framework of the so-called "One Country, Two System", it is not clear for now that Hong Kong is actually accepting the political form of former British ruling, or the ruling of Chinese political attribution. Characteristics of Hong Kong such as freedom of expression and freedom of association are British characteristics; yet, Chinese characteristics have now been extensively permeated, democratic freedom in Hong Kong is being marginalized. Political guests of Beijing and upstarts of Hong Kong are grouping into one kind of mode that is different from the former Hong Kong. Hong Kong's theory of "One Country, Two System" is actually very blurry and unclear. Its essential objectives are considering the legitimacy of socialism and capitalism. Constitutionalism is the pivotal point of solving the democratic problems in Hong Kong and Mainland. Regardless of whether returning to British sovereignty or expecting China's democratic development, a ruling and a society that preserves social justice have to be built; and this expectation is encountering serious challenges.

    Wu Fan's article especially analyzed a significant event that happened on the eve of ten-year anniversary of Hong Kong's return to Chinese Sovereignty: In accordance with the "blacklist" that was provided by the CPC, government of Hong Kong extensively obstructed nearly thousand of Fa Lun Gong students and ordinary public to enter Hong Kong by declining the issue of visas, not allowing to board airplanes, and forcefully up to violently repatriating. The author pointed out Hong Kong carries out "One Country, Two System" according to "The Basic Law". In the past ten years, Hong Kong government has allowed the existence and activities of Fa Lun Gong in Hong Kong, and it put up with the free entering and departing of Fa Lun Gong students at a certain level. Yet, Hong Kong government's recent act of preventing nearly thousand of Fa Lun Gong students and ordinary public to enter the country had totally violated "One Country, Two System"; the so-called "One Country, Two System" was completely bankrupted with the incident of Fa Lun Gong. Its causes were: the CPC was afraid of the appearance of mass demonstrative groups and protesters that were going to be made up of Fa Lun Gong students on July 1, and it was in fear of the expansion of Fa Lun Gong momentum in Hong Kong.

    As an associate of news media, Zhang Jing had lived in Hong Kong for a long period of time, her article made use of numerous facts to point out: Hong Kong's return to Chinese Sovereignty has been 10 years, and the freedom of press has been shrinking. Hong Kong's associates of news media are those who are making decision in between intuitive knowledge and rice bowl. They have to carry out their own bounden duty on one hand, trying hard to defend the major effects that "crownless emperor" insists: supervising the government; making truth known to the public; fighting for more rights of knowing the truth for Hong Kong people; enhancing mutual understanding among people. On the other hand, in order to keep their jobs, they usually have to act in accordance with the ”®face complexion' of boss and superior. Beijing is not the one who intervene Hong Kong's press freedom, but the bosses of news media institutions in Hong Kong. When the freedom of news media conflicts with commercial interest, boss would naturally put more emphasis on commercial interest, intervention of Beijing was not necessary after all. The current freedom of news media in Hong Kong is more reverse than 10 years ago when Hong Kong was returning to Chinese sovereignty. The author pointed out that, the CPC understands that directly controlling the news associates in Hong Kong is certainly not an easy task. Controlling the boss and senior leaders of news media will be much easier; they use both authority and money to threaten and entice, and to make wishes by conferring officials. Some proprietors became professors or advisers of some famous colleges in China all in a sudden; some stretched across both political and commercial boundaries, and reaped both reputation and profit. The biggest stress for reporters who carried out sensitive reports towards the CPC comes from the deadly threat that may happen any moments. Some were cut off arms, some encountered violent threat, some associates' computers and stationery equipments were destroyed. In brief, Hong Kong's freedom of news media is reversing. In order to avoid lamentable ending, CPC's one-party autocracy has to be ended in the whole China.

    2. Chinese Communist Party Resists Nationalization of Military, Play with the Noun Game of Democracy

    In the column of "Political Situations in China", Beijing Spring have issued two articles; they are, "Chinese Communist Party Resist Nationalization of Military" written by Lu Gengsong from Shandong and "Democracy Has Become a Noun Game" written by Fu Guoyong from Zhejiang respectively.

    Lu Gengsong's article was the fourth chapter of his series of articles - ”®Discussion on Military Nationalization'. First of all, the author mentioned about "People's Liberation Army Daily" (PLA Daily) issued the article of "The Historical Inspiration on Maintaining the Quality of People's Army" on June 18, calling on the liberation army to "insist on resisting military nationalization". This kind of doing, first of all, is contrary to the trend of history; second, it is contrary to the people's mind; third, it is contrary to its own constitution and law; and fourth, it is contrary to the tendency of worldwide military revolution. The author illustrated that since July 2007, Ministry of National Defense in Taiwan abrogated the "ideology" and "leader" in the "Five Convictions of Military Personnel", and changed them into "nation, responsibility, honor". This act was made in accordance with "nation, responsibility, honor" three major convictions of the military in the United States, corresponding with the goal of nationalizing military. On the other hand, the dictatorship of mainland China is still firmly holding up with the idea of "the absolute leadership of party to the military". Regardless of whether we are judging from the viewpoint of historical development, from the contents of constitutional democracy, or even from the constitution that was made by the CPC itself, CPC has no any other reasons to "absolutely lead military". The author pointed out that after the article in "PLA Daily" was issued, it suffered a lot of criticism from netizens. "China.com" conducted a survey on people who had read the article; among the six choices of "admiring", "smiling", "feeling sorry", "angry", "pass by" and "disgusting", people who selected "angry" and "disgusting" were the most. The problem of nationalizing military has long been firmly believed in the Chinese constitution that "the armed force of the People's Republic of China belongs to the people"; "the nation carries out united leadership towards defense activities". CPC's resistance on military nationalization has also violated the tendency of worldwide military revolution, causing the theory of military affairs vulgar, studies of military affairs not practical, military recruitment fully corrupted on the field of choosing people; the above have baffled the fourth military revolution.

    Fu Guoyong thinks that the contemporary China has entered into an era of afterward Utopia with no dreams and no ambitious aims. Nouns such as democracy, freedom and human rights that had been rejected are starting to appear in the conversations and written documents of officials. Yet, we should not be puzzled with this false phenomenon, believing that they would really like to accept these values. "Qiu Shi" magazine has issued an article "Unswervingly Follow the Democratic Politics of Socialism with Chinese Characteristics", adding two limited phrases of "Chinese Characteristics" and "Socialism" in front of "Democratic Politics" means the competitive democracy is not suitable for the current political situation in China. Admitting the necessity of democracy on one hand, twisting-and-kneading as well as holding lute in the arm on the other hand to play with the noun game. The author pointed out that, ordinary citizens who live on the mainland should be the ones who answer the question of whether democratic system is "suitable" or "unsuitable" for China; the "proletariat democracy" (or "socialistic democracy") of which its contents had been hollowed not only is not able to guarantee the freedom of gathering, associations, expression, publication and strike, but furthermore does not allow the existence of opposition parties, and reject to competitive suffrage; ”®pad its strength' is only a noun game that deceives people. In the recent years, new nouns that are popular including "harmonious society" and "the viewpoint of scientific development" have all lost the spearhead that treats the whole society as enemy and traverses above the whole society, this, at least, indicates that China is in the process of gradually making changes; a new social structure has started to appear, the political authority is facing a great challenge, old-style ideology and language have already been hard to adapt to changes, the noun game of democracy is a phenomenon that was produced in the transition.

    3. Continue To Commemorate the Fifty-Year Anniversary of Anti-Right Movement

    This year marks the fifty-year anniversary of Anti-Right Movement, Beijing Spring reported commemorative activities worldwide in every issue, and issued its related commemorative articles. In this current issue, we reported the "Destiny of Contemporary Chinese Intellectuals: Commemorating the Fifty-Year Anniversary of Anti-Right Movement International Symposium" that was held in Los Angeles, the United States on June 29 ØC 30; as well as the "Commemorative Seminar of Fifty-Year Anniversary of Anti-Right Movement" which was held in the editorial board of New Times Weekly in Auckland, New Zealand on June 30. In the column of "The Fifty-Year Anniversary of Anti-Right Movement", we have issued the articles of "The Termination of Liberalism and the Ebb of Communism" written by Fang Lizhi, member of advisory board of Beijing Spring; "The Beginning of Great Catastrophe in Contemporary China" written by Xu Liangying, researcher at the Chinese Academy of Sciences; "The Social Democratic Idea of Zhou Juzheng" written by Ge Li and Cui Yousheng from Szechuan; and " Tracing the Rightists' Situation" written by Zhou Suzi from New Zealand.

    Fang Lizhi's article was his speech manuscript of the "Fifty-Year Anniversary of Anti-Right Movement International Symposium" which was held in Los Angeles, United States, it composes of two articles that the author wrote in 2004 and 1999.

    The first article is the recollection of the memory of "Historical Symposium of Anti-Right Movement" that was held in 1986. A small conference was held by Xu Liangying, Liu Bin Yan, Li Shuxian and Fang Lizhi at Xu's house in Beijing on November, 1986: It's been almost 30 years for Anti-Right Movement, what could be done? The unanimous opinion was to hold a "Historical Symposium of Anti-Right Movement" in the spring of 1987. They discussed the subjects for the meeting and the ways to organize the activity. Fang made a meeting notice in accordance with the provided viewpoints, and sent it out to potential participants after he made alterations. This was the afterward black "notice" that was collected in the materials of criticizing Liu Binyan in the movement of criticizing "Bourgeois Liberalization". On January 2, 1987, CPC Central Committee transmitted the first document, opposing the opening of bourgeois liberalization. One January 12, the CPC Central Committee and the State Council decided to reshuffle University of Science and Technology of China (USTC), exempted the position of Guan Weiyan as the president of USTC, repealed the position of Fang Lizhi as the vice president of USTC; on January 14, Shanghai Council of the CPC decided to expel Wang Ruowang from the party; On January 16, the Political Bureau of the CPC Central Committee issued a communiquئ and accepted the request of Hu Yaobang resigning from the post of general-secretary; On January 19, Discipline Inspection Commission of the CPC at Anhui Province decided to expel Fang Lizhi from the party; On January 25, Discipline Inspection Commission of the CPC "People's Daily" decided to expel Liu Binyan from the party.

    The other article was the record of the two great trends of liberalism and communism dashing into each other during the 1957 Anti-Right Movement. The 1950s Beijing University was like the 1910s, it was the land of various spread of thoughts dashing into each other. Different from the 1910s, 1950s ideology of the dominant had already been Marx Karl's communism as well as Bolsheviks Revolutionary Theory of Lenin and Stalin. Yet, the elements of liberalism were still everywhere to be seen and to be sensed on the campus of Beijing University. Communism and liberalism could not be reciprocally formed. The verifying vigor and methods of contemporary science as well as the foundation of the ideology of communism are hard to coexist. Therefore, the sequestration between the young intellectuals who trended toward liberalism and the CPC was destined to happen sooner or later, "Anti-Right Movement" was only speeding up the progress of sequestration. The Right-Wing youth in Beijing University struggled for freedom in 1957, and it was actually the same as students in Budapest striking for freedom in 1956. The dash in China in 1957 terminated the liberalism that gradually came to China, it also caused communism in China start to deplete and ebb, vanishing in the heart of generation.

    Xu Liangying's article measured the four catastrophes throughout the history after the CPC took power: the 1957 Anti-Right Movement that struck one million intellectuals; "Great Leap Forward", the great famine which caused ten millions people starve to death; the overthrow of "Proletariat Cultural Revolution" of the "then authority who took the path of capitalism" in1966; the great massacre of June 4, 1989. By observing those four catastrophes, the later three have cause-and-effect relationships with Anti-Right catastrophe, in order to understand and do research on contemporary Chinese history, history of Anti-Right Movement is a pivotal point. The author thinks that the root of Anti-Right Movement was the antagonistic attitude that Mao Zedong held against intellectuals. Anti-Right Movement officially set the number of rightists to be five hundreds fifty thousands people; and owing to ”®implicated policy', victims were at least five millions. In order to handle with rightists, Mao Zedong established the ”®reeducation through labor' system, expropriated citizen's physical freedom, compelled unlimited duration of imprisonment and reeducation through labor as wishes without going through law procedures. The other dire result of Anti-Right Movement was that it destroyed morale principles of human civilization. The whole society is shrinking morally, right and wrong are reverse, black and white are obscure, human nature encounters trample. Rectifying anti-rightist campaign caused the common practice of not being honest and trustful as well as conveying false talk, empty talk and lies, it also caused the lie that cheats oneself during the afterward "Great Leap Forward"; and it reappeared in another form during "Cultural Revolution". We can put it in this way, "Great Leap Forward" and "Cultural Revolution" were both the dire results of Anti-Right Movement.

    4. International Vision: The Historical Comparison of Conducts between the Chinese Government and the United States Government

    In the column of "International Vision" of the current issue, Beijing Spring have issued "Historical Comparison of Mass Demonstration Suppressions between Chinese Government and the United States Government" written by Fang Yan as well as "The Concern That Hungary Paid To Tibet" written by Zhong Shi from Hungary.

    Fang Yan's article raised a kind of viewpoint that has circulated for a long duration of time: CPC's military committed a massacre in Tiananmen Square on June 4th 1989, they had enforced and warned the demonstrators in advance, and started to killed them afterwards, that was legal; mass demonstrators checked the forces in advance, and the forces fired back afterwards, demonstrators were illegal. People who hold this kind of viewpoint even illustrated and explained the examples of government of the United States suppressed mass demonstrators in the history, in order to show CPC's killing was reasonable and legal. The article made a contrast on the historical background of suppressing mass demonstrations, the mean of carrying out suppression, as well as the purpose achieved between the Chinese government and the United States government.

    Not too long after the end of American Civil War, the specter of communism was then straying in the United States, during the period of 1873 to 1915, for almost half a century a series of labor movements continuously appeared in the United States, strike then became a major mean of movement. The author did not find fault with the death and injury that was caused by suppressions of labor movement by the United States, he only explained that those suppressions all appeared under the background of communism movements in the United States. On the surface of the long struggle between employers and employees on the problems of reasonability of wages was actually a struggle of proletariats wanting overthrow bourgeois. Suppressions launched by the government towards strike should be seen as a necessity of protecting human-rights values. The purpose of proletariat autocracy was to perish the bourgeois and deprive human rights of the bourgeois; this is totally deviated from the human rights principles of the United States. As long as it contains the tendency of autocracy and violence, they have to be stopped no matter the participants in those movements are labors, farmers or upper class. This is exactly the substance of government of the United States suppressing proletariat movement. The lucky aspect about the United States and France was that they eliminated the danger of communism movements during its sprouting stage. Besides, the article introduced the ways of treating labor issues by government of the United States as well as the ways to deal with anti-war demonstrations.

    Zhong Wen's article mainly talked about the activities of Hungarian Tibet Support Association as well as the concern that Hungarian paid to Tibet through introducing the documentary -- "Tibet, the Exiled Homestead" which was shot by Hungarians and was shown during the 38th Hungarian Film Festival that was held in Budapest in the spring of 2007.

    5. Dispute over the Theories of Overseas Pro-Democracy Movements

    Beijing Spring had successively issued two articles written by Xue Wei; they were "The New Issue of Overseas Pro-Democracy Movement: Movement of Refugees" and "The Left-Wing Childish Disease of Overseas Pro-democracy Movements" in the June and July issues. Those two articles have led to significant reactions among overseas pro-democracy movement groups and Beijing Spring readers. We issued three articles in the column of "The Wall of Democracy" in the current issue, they are "Pro-Democracy Movements and Political Refugees" written by Tang Yuanjun; "Criticisms on Pro-Democracy Movements Have To Be Appropriate" written by Liu Guokai; and "The Mission of Pro-Democracy Movement Politician" written by Wang Xizhe. We hereby welcome other writers continue to contribute articles in order to launch deep discussion on the problem that was involved in Xue Wei's article.

    Tang Yuan Jun's article analyzed the complicated compositions in political refugees, pointing out that new immigrants were mostly ordinary labors in China; they came to the United States to strive for a better way out of life. As for pro-democracy movements, political refugee is a strength that will be more easily to be attracted. On the other hand, under the background of which the CPC has permeated the western society, the ingredients of new immigrants are becoming more and more complex. Various kinds of stowaways apply for asylum regardless of any risks in order to strike for a new life overseas, using forgeable documents to apply for political asylum; yet, after they succeeded in doing so, they threw themselves into supporting the CPC in order to obtain economical and political benefits in return. Therefore, by deciding how to depend on political refugee groups and make them become the backbone of pro-democracy movements, is a question that we need to treat seriously; timely and efficiently distinguish between friends and hidden saboteurs will be the symbol of pro-democracy movements getting matured. Regardless of whether judging theoretically or practically, "pro-democracy movement" groups which are in the industry of political asylum are groups that possess no democratic mechanism.

    Liu Guokai's article proposed that some pro-communist figures make use of the status of being a refugee in order to enter the United States, and that caused a total change in the political way of life in New York, the strength of pro-communist has then become increased. Xue Wei's criticism that was made against pro-democracy fellows was way too harsh. Most pro-democracy activists are struggling in their lives, nobody paid "concern" to them, and how could they pay concern to others. If we were to be critical, we should have been critical of those who were at the leadership position during the 1989 student movement but completely put themselves into their individual worlds and paid no concerns to the career of Chinese Democracy after they arrived overseas, they are even stingy about donating funds for people who were holding candlelight vigil for ”®June 4th' although they are really rich. Most Fujian stowaways and other different kinds of overstayed residents are neither political refugees nor economical refugees. They took risks and spent huge sum of money to come to the United States in order to seek for a better life, gathering monetary fortune regardless of any methods, endanger the society as well as trample on righteousness and axiom. Some people take the path of pro-communist for depending on the CPC in the United States in order to obtain individual benefits. As regards to the great change of New York's political way of life, the author thinks that it was a cautious and secret act of senior Chinese leaders.

    In Wang Xizhe's article, he believes that Liu Guokai has not become the role of a powerful pro-democracy movement politician by judging from the furious that he expressed on the illegal immigrants who come from China to the United States and they not only want political asylum but also are pro-communist. The point where Xue Wei was more considerate than Liu Guokai was that he did not use the furious of a regular civilian to fight for immigrants with the CPC, but to call on grasping the benefits of being an immigrant, and using the way of following its tendency to lead in order to fight for immigrants with the CPC. Try every possibility to educate and nurture illegal immigrants in the process, make them close to pro-democracy movements, understand pro-democracy movements, sympathize pro-democracy movements, or even participate in pro-democracy movements; transfusing young and fresh blood for pro-democracy movements.

     

     

    Achievements:

    Comments from famous international scholars

    Selected Letters from Readers

    Distinguished Democrats Award

    7 Years of "Beiiing Spring": A Summary [1993-2000]

     

    Comments from famous international scholars

    Fang Lizhi, professor of physics at University of Arizona. As the former vice president of Chinese University of Science and Technology, he inspired the 1989's Chinese Democracy movement and then was forced to seek refuge in the American Embassy for about a year after the June 4 crackdown.

    To the Editor: 

    The purpose of this letter is to say something positive about "Beijing Spring", and this is from the bottom of my heart. Over the past 8 years, I have read every issue of the journal. I would at least take a glimpse of the title and author of the "Beijing Spring" in the busiest of my times. I would put every issue of "Beijing Spring" in my living room, making my guests, especially those from the other side of the Pacific Ocean, become sleepless. One of the members of the Investigation Committee of my case during the "Cultural Revolution" became a friend of mine and visited me recently. He spent 3 sleepless nights in reading the "Beijing Spring" journal of the past 5 years, and he read the journal more carefully than I did. It appears that this journal indeed has its attractions, or charms, if I can use this word to describe this journal. 

    "Beijing Spring" is not ideal of course, and not all of the published articles are good ones; however, the dedication of editors and authors to freedom, democracy, human rights and legal system is reflected in every printed word of the journal. This is exactly the attraction of the journal, especially those readers who have been living in an environment of no press freedom. My thanks are to those editors and authors who have provided such a window so that the darkness is no longer a dream for quest of freedom, and more, thinking about the quest for freedom. 

    Fang Lizhi    July 29, 2000 

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    Yu Ying-shi, professor of history at Princeton University. Mr. Yu has been a leading critic on the tyranny of the Chinese communists after he left China in 1950. After the Chinese government crackdown on the Democracy Movement in 1989, he devoted himself into helping the fled Chinese activists to settle down in the U.S and setting up the Princeton China Initiative.

    To "Beijing Spring" Editorial Office: 

    Mr. Editor: I have received the "7-Year Summary of Beijing Spring" and I would like to express my appreciation of it. "Beijing Spring" covers a wide range of issues, while it can make in-depth coverage on all of them. It is not an easy thing to do. Articles on current events are often very sharp and to the point, and readers are able to obtain a clear idea on the most recent situation and trend in Mainland China. This contribution is especially helpful to overseas readers, and is indicative to readers in Mainland China. According to my knowledge, readers in Mainland China are anxious to have access to your journal. One of my friends recently paid a visit to Xi'an, and detained and interrogated by the public security bureau; and one of the charges for his arrest was that he sent "Beijing Spring" journal to one of the dissidents in there. Later it was through the interference of the US government was he released and returned to the US. I knew about this event in detail and would like to release this information to you. Besides, articles in your journal on spiritual analysis, theoretical debate have reached a very high academic level, which should win fair appraisal. When intellectuals want to seek routes for resolving problems about China, "Beijing Spring" should be one of the most valuable resources for them to resort to. On the other side, "Beijng Spring" can be regarded as having inherited the traditions of "Xin Min Cong Bao" and "New Youth". 

    I have just returned from a long journey and feel very tired, therefore I am stopping here. The above words are for your reference only. 

    With my regards 

    Yu Yingshi    July 31,2000 

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     Yu Haocheng, well-known legal scholar, former head of Qunzhong Press of China's Ministry of Public Security.

    Beijing Spring: The True Voice of Free People 

    Yu Haocheng   August 1, 2001

    Mao Zedong once wrote an article titled 'JOn Uniformity of Public Opinion" .He understood well that he who controls public opinion controls people's thought and consequently the whole country. Accordingly, the half -century totalitarian rule by the Chinese Communist Party created a "silent China? After Beijing won the sponsorship of the 2008 Olympic Games, the CCP did not relax political grip as many had expected. On the contrary, it further tightened control over the news media. Recently, it even violated an agreement and deleted the comments on human rights in Secretary of State Powell's speech in Beijing, making it difficult for the Chinese people to know what he had said. 

    Beijing Spring is one of the very few journals published by the overseas Chinese living in freedom to report on the reality of the Chinese society and voice the true feelings of the Chinese people. Just like Voice of America and Radio Free Asia, Beijing Spring is absolutely needed and not substitutable for those who no longer want to act deaf and mute, especially for the Chinese intellectuals. As CCP diplomatic and overseas Chinese affairs personnel as well as their publications such as Overseas Chinese Daily are spreading all kinds of untruths to deceive the overseas Chinese, I sincerely hope that Beijing Spring will become better and better. The voice of free people should never be stifled, and I am hopeful that the time when the "sound of spring" is heard in Beijing and allover China will come quite soon. 

    ********************

    Wang Ruowang, well-known Chinese writer.

    Mr. Hu Ping, Chief Editor: 

    I have reviewed your letter of request for comments. Based on the contents of the "Beijing Spring" from January to July, I am herein making the following evaluation: 

    Good articles: "The Stormy 50 Years of New China" by Li Sheng Zhi, as published on the January issue. This article utilizes abundant information, its analysis is objective, and the argument is credible. 

    "The Anti-corruption Show Conducted by the Chinese Communists" by Jin Feng on the April issue. This article points directly to the target, and revealed the mega corruption scandal concealed by the Communist Chinese authorities. The information is valuable. 

    "The Historical Mistake The Communist Chinese Government Made in Eliminating Private Ownership System" by Zhu Zhezhong on the July issue makes good points and good comparisons. It reveals the so~rce for the catastrophe in which tens of millions of Chinese people suffered and the false big words of Zhu Rongji. 

    Something should be done about the Fa Lun Gong, and since April to June, on each issue, there has been coverage of the event. There is an 18-page coverage on the April and May issues, while there are 12 pages on the April issue alone. There is some repetition, and also words from outside of the topic. 

    Please always be aware of the orientation: reveal the criminal nature of the Communist Chinese authorities and the realization of the ideology of the people. The above is for reference only. 

    Wang Ruowang    July 27, 2000

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    Kam Yiu Yu, weii-known political commentator, former editor in chief of Wen Hui Daily (Hong Kong)

    Let Us Give Beijing Spring All the Possible Support 

    Kam Yiu Yu
    August 10,2001

    During the 1989 democracy movement and the June 4 massacre, I was filled with anger and grief. As editor of Wen Hui daily in Hong Kong, I secretly collaborated with a few trusted friends and had the four characters "tong xin ji shou" (heart hurts, head sickens) printed on the front page of our newspaper in order to condemn the criminal killings of students and the suppression of democracy by the Chinese Communist Party. In 1991, I withdraw from CCP, a group I had served for half a: century beginning with the War of Resistance against Japan, and drifted over the Pacific and came to the U. S. Thereafter, I continued to oppose CCP' s one -party totalitarian rule and its harmful policies and support China's democracy and freedom movement. 

    Before coming to the U. S. , I was a bit worried, because I was not sure whether, once settled in the U. S. , I could still have publications to read that report on China's democracy and freedom movement. Without this kind of publications, I would be insulated from China and forced to give up following and supporting the movement. Life would be without meaning, political influence would be unrealistic, and hope would be lost. 

    I was therefore pleasantly surprised when I saw Beijing Spring magazine. Its contents showed that the forces of democracy and freedom continued to expand within China抯 social and academic circles, and that the people continued to wage their tireless, fearless struggle even after the June 4 massacre. The magazine also exposed, documented and criticized CCP抯 suppression of democracy movement, both through imprisonment and through propaganda, throughout China, and reported on and encouraged Chinese pro -democracy activities allover the world, including U. S., Europe and Asia.

    China's internal and external situation can be so summarized: CCP抯 winter has arrived. If so, how can Beijing's spring be remote? Those of us who have been promoting democracy and freedom from overseas can see that we indeed have helped and encouraged the people in China. At the same time, we clearly need to do more and better. As writer, we must now make more effort. More specifically, we must give Beijing Spring all the possible support, so that the friends at Beijing Spring, who have worked very hard for years, can have the magazine continued until spring finally comes to Beijing and all China. At that point, amid the melodies of democracy and freedom, we will help send Beijing Spring back to Beijing, back to China.

    As someone who takes part in the democracy movement through writing, I see clearly that the overall trends in and outside of China show that the confrontation between democracy and freedom and communist dictatorship is now in its final stage. I pledge to work harder to write articles for Beijing Spring, to expose the cruelty of the CCP rule and explain that China will inevitably follow the examples of the Soviet Union and Eastern Europe. To show my appreciation of the hard work done by the friends at Beijing Spring, I have decided not to accept any writer's fees for my articles. It is my hope that the U.S. foundations and overseas Chinese (especially the business people) will also do their part to support Beijing Spring. 

    ********************

    Perry Link, professor of East Asian Studies at Princeton University. He specializes in 20th-century Chinese literature and is very concerned with human rights condition in Mainland China.

    For eight years Beijing Spring has been, along with Democratic China. Leading journal for people who ate seriously interested in a more open, democratic, humane and peaceful China. Its incisive and well -informed writing not only offers the public good analyses of politics, thought, and society, it further stands as an important symbol that the rulers in Beijing have no monopoly on speaking for the Chinese people. 

    Perry Link, May,    200l 

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    Guo Luoji, a leading liberal theoretician who was driven out of Beijing by Former Chairman Deng Xiaoping because of his political opinion. In 1992, he sued the Chinese government for human rights abuses in a Federal Court of law. Now he is a visiting scholar at Harvard University.

    My View on the Seven- Year Summary of "Beijing Spring"

     Guo Luoji 

    The Seven-Year Summary of"Beijing Spring" truly reflects the process of "Beijing Spring" over the past 7 years. 

    As a political commentary journal of China's democracy movement, "Beijing Spring" has done a very good job. On one side, it inherits the tradition of China's Xi Dan Democracy Wall, keeps contact with democracy activists in China; on the other side, it takes the advantage of the situation of freedom of speech overseas to voice extensive views over China's pressing problems, and debates such theoretical issues of freedom, democracy, human rights and judiciary system; it is the bridge to connect China's democracy movement between China and overseas. "Beijing Spring" has become the default spokesman for China's overseas democracy movement at a time when democracy organizations overseas have split apart and cannot voice an orchestrated view. People in China can only learn about overseas democracy movement from "Beijing Spring".

     "Beijing Spring" has done tremendous work with a limited staff. From the published journal itself, "Beijing Spring" has developed into a website and Internet forum, and in this way expanded its influence. It has made the customs check system of the Chinese government, which aims at resisting freedom and democracy, lose its effectiveness. 

    I hope "Beijing Spring" will overcome its difficulties and strive to go forward, and will someday return to its nascent place, Beijing and become a true "Beijing Spring". 

    July 24, 2000 

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    Andrew Nathan, professor of Political Science and Director of East Asian Institute at Columbia University. His teaching and research interests include Chinese politics and foreign policy, the comparative study of political participation and political culture, and human rights. He has published numerous books and articles on China's politics.

    Andrew J. Nathan 

    Suppression of Democratization and Human Rights in China A Plea for Support for Beijing Spring 

    Winston L. Yang, Ph. D
    Professor of Asian Studies
    Seton Hall University
    South Orange, NJ 07052
    August 12, 2001

    Despite the tremendous advances in economic reforms and development in the PRC in recent years, China's suppression of democratization has been intensified and its human rights record has worsened. Numerous advocates and participants of the democracy movement have been jailed, and organizations advocating democratization have been dismantled in China by the Chinese Communist authorities. Even Chinese -American scholars visiting their homeland have been arrested simply because of their convictions in democratic reforms. Human rights abuses have been widespread and thousands of cases have been reported. Numerous Chinese citizens have sought political asylum in the U. S. 

    Therefore, one of the major goals of American policy toward China is to move China toward democratization and respect for human rights. Radio Free Asia, Voice of America and other organizations have developed programs to advance such goals. Many private American foundations have also given grants to support U. S. publications and organizations designed to reach such goals. 

    However, many such organizations and publications have been discontinued for lack of sufficient support. 

    Beijing Spring, one of the oldest and the most important journals advocating democracy in China, has thus become the, last such publication which, too, will cease publication if financial support is not forthcoming. 

    Since its initial publication in 1993, Beijing Spring has reached thousands of readers in China, Hong Kong, Taiwan, North America and Western Europe. Secretly brought into China by those travelling there, Beijing Spring has become the single most influential publication supporting the democracy drive in China. It cannot and should not be allowed, therefore, to cease publication. Otherwise, it will be a fatal blow to the growing democratization movement in China. As a result, accurate information and active support for democracy and human rights protection will disappear. The U. S. will never be able to achieve its foreign policy goals toward the PRC. 

    It is my sincere hope, therefore, that the u. S. Government and American foundations will provide necessary support to Beijing Spring so that it will continue to extend its great influence and impact on China's democratization drive. I support its request for financial support whole-heartedly and without any reservation whatsoever. 

    Over seven years, Beijing Spring has provided broad coverage of developments at home and abroad affecting the prospects fro democracy in China. The editors exercised good judgment in focusing on important trends in politics, society, and thought. The journal reminded its readers that there is more than one voice representing China in the world today, and more than one way to think about China' national interests. Perhaps most important, the journal offered itself as one of the few forums where Chinese could carry out free theoretical debate on issues of their nation's past and future.

     Andrew J. Nathan July    31,2000 

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    Liu Binyan, famous writer. He was reporter with People's Daily, the official newspaper in China before 1987. Because of his resounding articles on Chinese corruption and brutality, he was criticized, expelled and barred from publishing. He is now a fellow of the Princeton China Initiative.

    Liu Binyan 

    On "7-Year Summary of Beijing Spring": 

    Point 3 of the "7- Year Summary of Beijing Spring", i.e., "Systematically promoting the research and debate on major theoretical issues", is one of the most important characteristics of the journal, and played its role in guiding people in China as well as overseas to find a way to China's democratization process. However, one of the aspects is not mentioned. "Beijing Spring" has been revealing the facts in various ways of major events over the past 50 years. Some of the people in the 30's I met with in Europe and America said that they knew from "Beijing Spring" the truth about " Anti-Rightist Campaign", "The Big Leap Forward", the Big Famine and the "Cultural Revolution". 

    Liu Binyan    AUG 1 2000

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    Su Shaozhi, chairman of Princeton China Initiative. Once served as the director of the Institute of Marxism-Leninism-Mao Zedong Thought of the Chinese Academy of Social Sciences, he is a leading liberal political theoretician in China.

    Su Shaozhi 

    "Beijing Spring" Editorial Office: 

    "The 7- Year Summary of Beijing Spring" was received. It reflects the facts, contains sharp viewpoints, and is a very good article. 

    The future ofChina's politics depends mainly on the economy, and I hope that the journal will publish more articles of analysis and reports on China's economic situation, preferably supported by systematic statistics. 

    It is a very good thing that your journal has been able to publish numerous articles by mainland authors. This helps overseas people realize the true situation in China. As one of the authors of the "Open-up" journal was arrested by the Chinese government, I would suggest that you take measures to protest the safety of mainland authors. 

    With my regards, 

    Su Shaozhi    July 13,2000 

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    Yang Yinbo(Chinese Famous Political Critics) Eight Suggestions About Current China (Liberty Times) 

    I always received complaints from many correspondents and democrats about untrusting democratic reports from overseas media for commercial or political reasons. I advised those media people to read Beijing Spring much often in order to re-cultivate democratic attitude. From my observation, Beijing Spring can be called as a banner for famous overseas media. Other magazines such as Observation, Huanhua Kang, and Democracy China follow.

     According to the Beijing Spring Summery mailed from Mr. Xue Wei, Beijing Spring has five advantages worth other media learning. First, Beijing Spring paid close attention to Mainland China抯 social and political changes as well as democracy and human rights movement. Second, it reported in detail current new development of democratic movement. Third, it follows its plan to push the discussion of important theories for Chinese democracy. Forth, it paid attention to two-straits relationship and ethical problems. Fifth, it targeted at Mainland China and focused on the relationship with domestic readers. I hope various website, forums and web journals can learn from the above five emphasis of Beijing Spring. 

    SEP. 20, 2003  (Liberty Times)

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    Selected Letters from Readers:

    Topic: A letter from a Chinese student in Mainland China

    Dear editors of Beijing Spring Magazine:

    I am a college student in Mainland China and very excited to know your web site from an accidental opportunity. Since long time ago, we are unable to understand the facts as a result of Chinese Communist Party's news blockade and even begin to have some misunderstanding towards the history under the influence of the Communist Party's propaganda, which controls the truth and makes the lie believable after repeating 1000 times.

    I am a Huangpu Military Academy's descendant. Many relatives of my grandfathers gave their lives for our country in the Sino-Japanese War. There are several Kuomintang and Communist Party generals in my family. After the liberation, they were persecuted and brutally suppressed many times during multiple movements, especially in the Great Cultural Revolution and the June forth Democracy Movements, just because they wanted to speak for the people. The Chinese Communist Party called them "the persons who should automatically disappear after the liberation".

    As theirs posterity, I accepted the patriotic education since childhood and have always hoped to do something for my motherland. But as a result of my family, it is very difficult for me to contact the outside. I can not access Internet, not to mention your website. With the help of a foreign friend, I got your email address. Without any other choices, I had to write to you by email. I hope that you can help me to know the truth and history with letter or mails. Since my internet connection is often interfered by the National Security Officers, please think the email contact as the last option. And also please give me an opportunity to work for the democratic undertaking.

    Looking forward to hearing from you.

    A patriotic Student in China

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    Distinguished Democrats Award 

    Beijing Spring were elected as distinguished democrats reward by Chinese Democracy Educational Fund in 2002. The ceremony will be held on May 4 at Holiday Inn Hotel in Los Angeles.

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    7 Years of "Beiiing Spring": A Summary [1993-2000]

    "Beijing Spring" Editorial Office, June 2000

    In the first half of 1993, in view of certain changes at that time in the internal relationship within overseas Chinese democracy organizations, some editors of "China Spring", a former overseas democracy journal, began to publish a new magazine. In May of that year, "Beijing Spring" made its debut in New York, USA. Because "Beijing Spring" was a name of a major democracy journal during the "Democracy Wall" movement in Beijing in 1979, the new "Beijing Spring" journal made its appearance in New York under the same name. The new "Beijing Spring" retained characteristics of the "China Spring" journal as a publication on overseas democracy movement, except that the "Beijing Spring" did not belong to a certain democracy organization, therefore did not play the role of a spokesman of an organization. This journal serves the overall democracy movement in China, and since then maintained a good relationship with various democracy organizations in China as well as overseas. Over the past 7 years, during the publication process of the 86 issues, "Beijing Spring" has stuck to the ideal of establishing a new China of freedom, democracy, human rights and law, and has fully reported new developments on democracy and human rights movements in China as well as overseas, timely introduced new changes in the political, economical and cultural aspects in the Chinese society, organized readers to engage in debates and discussions on major theoretical issued, and enriched the contents of the magazine, as well as enhanced communications with authors and readers in China and overseas, therefore has played an important role in the participation in and promotion of China's democracy activities. In the last 7 years, there has been significant change in the authors, contents, editing and publication, expansion of edition and circulation of "Beijing Spring", which has won approval from different walks of life and readers.

    1. Pays Close Attention to Social and Political Changes in Mainland China and Development of Democracy and Human Rights Movement

    The death of Deng Xiaoping, the return of Hong Kong and Macao to China, the Convening of the 15th Representative Conference of China Communist Party, the Replacement of Zhu Rongji over Li Peng as Prime Minister, Jiang Zemin's visit to the US, the release of Wei Jingsheng and Wang Dan and their exile overseas, US President Clinton's visit to China, the party organization movement of China Democracy Party, Fa Lun Gon's demonstrations, the direct election of the Taiwan President in 1996, and the peaceful handover of power in Taiwan in 2000, etc., are major events that were closely associated with the democracy movement in mainland China over the past 7 years. Before and after the occurrence of these events, "Beijing Spring" timely organized and published articles to reflect the mainstream viewpoints from democracy organizations of China as well as abroad. After Deng Xiaoping's death in 1997, on the April issue of "Beijing Spring", 23 articles were published over the assessment of Deng Xiaoping (including articles from "China Democracy and Freedom Alliance" of Human, a mainland Chinese democracy organization), and provided an in-depth view over the impact of this event on the Chinese society. The column of "Hong Kong and Macao Commentary" is a new one on the "Beijing Spring" journal only in recent years. On the June and August issues of "Beijing Spring" in 1997, more than 20 reports and articles were published focusing on the return of Hong Kong to China. After the convention of the China Communist Party's 15th Representative Conference, on the November 1997 issue of "Beijing Spring", there was a special edition on the assessment of the conference. "Beijing Spring" invited Fang Lizhi, Yu Haocheng, Liu Bingyan, Su Shaozhi, Zhang Weiguo and other prominent figures to give their in-depth views on this event. In December 1997, a special edition of "Beijing Spring", named "Give Jiang Zemin A Lesson on Democracy", was published on Jiang Zemin's visit to the US, reporting in detail on activities of protest by democracy activists and American friends throughout the United States, along with the publication of relevant documents. "Beijing Spring" also published a special edition in commemoration of the 40th anniversary of the " Anti- Rightist Campaign".

    The major social changes in Mainland China that the "Beijing Spring" has been paying close attention to not only include those in policy and organizations of the senior level regime, but also those in the economical interests and social rights of the grass-root workers and farmers. In the spring of 1998, at the National People's Congress and the Political Consultative Conference, Zhu Rongji replaced Li Peng as the prime minister of the Chinese government. This was a significant change in China's politics, and the world media showed great interest in this. The May issue of "Beijing Spring" in 1998 provided comprehensive coverage and comment on this event under the topic of "On the New Deal of Zhu Rongji". Jin Yaoru, Yu Haocheng and other political commentators were invited to make detailed estimates and analysis on the new "triangle" relationship among Jiang, Zhu and Li within the Communist Chinese leadership, political and economic problems that Zhu Rongji was going to face, and the possibility of a new situation that Zhu Rongji was expected to create to the Chinese political system. On the March and April 1998 issues of "Beijing Spring", the journal organized debates on "reform versus rights of workers and farmers" and "overview on Mainland China" respectively. Numerous trade union leaders, during the 89' democracy movement, who were then engaging in workers' movement in Hong Kong, to provide comments and analysis on the campaign of workers' layoff and the workers' movement in mainland China, and on the serious social problems of violation of farmers' rights during the reform, appealing for ordinary Chinese people who were suppressed and exploited. The large-scale flooding in the summer of 1998 brought tremendous catastrophe to the Chinese society and economics. On the October issue of "Beijing Spring", we provided a comprehensive review over this "natural disaster and artificial catastrophe" from social, political, economic and ecological perspectives, revealing the damage to the natural and social environment of China that the China Communist Party caused during its rule in the past several decades.

    Organized democracy and human rights movements in China are the main focus of " Beijing Spring". In the past 2 years a number of democracy activists outside of the system in China have persisted in lawful dissident activities, evolving later into public organization of "China Democracy Party". The movement was severely cracked down by the Communist Chinese authorities. This is a major event from 1998 to 1999 in China 's political life. During the occurrence and developing stage of this event, "Beijing Spring" timely introduced developments in the application and registration of "China Democracy Party", released a series of reviews, and published a special edition in the September 1998 issue of "Beijing Spring" on the "Event of China Democracy Party". In 1999, "Beijing Spring" provided continuous follow-up reports and reviews on this event. On the February issue of that year, "Beijing Spring" timely reported on the news of follow-up hunger strike by 200 Chinese democracy activists in support of the China Democracy Party, summarized on the detailed process of the suppression of the members of the China Democracy Party, released the court decisions and the defending testimonies of Wang Youcai and Xu Wenli in court, published articles by the daughters of Xu Wenli and Qin Yongmin, and related testimony of Yao Zhenxian, a former China Democracy Party member in Shanghai who just came to the United States. Later. "Beijing Spring" published an article on revision of the Constitution written by Gao Hongming, a member of the China Democracy Party in Beijing (April 1999), "Strategy of Governing the Country in Peaceful Times" by Dong Shidong, a member of the China Democracy Party in Hunan, "Retrospect on Party Organization" by Zhou Jianhe, a member of the China Democracy Party in Shanghai, report by our journalist on Xie Wanjun, representative figure of China Democracy Party who just came to the United States (August issue), court testimony of Cha J ianguo and Gao Hongming, members of the China Democracy Party (October issue). By doing so, the "Beijing Spring" provided to the reader a panorama on the organization and development of China Democracy Party.

    A new wave of spiritual liberation initiated by a number of liberal intellectuals in the cultural and spiritual areas has been the focus of interest in the media both in China and overseas, as well as the major coverage of the "Beijing Spring". On the January issue of "Beijing Spring" in 1998, an introduction was made on the "freelance author" that appeared in China recently, which was written by an author in Mainland China. On the February issue, "Beijing Spring" published an article named "China Needs New Changes", which was written by Fang Jue, a pioneer of the democratic faction within the Communist regime. On the May issue of "Beijing Spring", articles and pictures on the introduction of a new wave of liberal ideology as initiated by the "Beijing Spring", as originally published on the "Far East Economic Review" of Britain and "Newsweek" of the US, were published. In addition, "Beijing Spring" also published an article on liberalism by Liu Jun Nin of Beijing (June issue), "China Needs Deeper Spiritual Liberation" by Jiang Qisheng and Su Chang (September issue), and an article by He De Pu on the introduction to the grass-root election in Beijing. As mainly composed of liberal intellectuals, the China Development Alliance (Zhong Fa Lian), which appeared to be shrewd in its political orientation, is also a political opposition organization in China in recent years. In a certain period, "Beijing Spring" provided extensive coverage on its activities. On the January 1999 issue, "Beijing Spring" published a statement by Peng Ming, director of the China Development Alliance, on press freedom; on the March issue, "Beijing Spring" published a press release by Yi Gai, secretary of the. Executive Bureau of the China Development Alliance, who just arrived in the United States; on the May and September issues, "Beijing Spring" published reviews by Wang Jianlin of the China Development Alliance on the bombing of the Chinese Embassy by the NATO and on the Fa Lun Gong incident. All these have made the China Development Alliance have ample opportunity in making clear of its social and political ideals, as well as let people understand the political aspirations of this opposition organization.

    In addition to detailed introductions to the organized opposition political movements in Mainland China, "Beijing Spring" has been closely following abrupt civilian opposition movements. Since 1999, the most significant event in China is the Fa Lun Gong incident, and the sporadic, although incessant, road-blocking and hunger-strike movements throughout China in protest of corruption. At the nascent stage of the Fa Lun Gong practitioners' besiege of the Zhong Nan Hai in Beijing, "Beijing Spring" made a timely introduction to this incident on its June 1999 issue, and at the same time published talks by prominent figures in Mainland China on this incident. On the September 1999 issue, "Beijing Spring" featured "Fa Lun Gong" in publishing a series of articles on the crackdown of this spiritual movement by the Communist Chinese government, including Hu Ping's "Fa Lun Gong, Two Countries and Super-boundary War". Later, "Beijing Spring" published a secret letter to Jiang Zemin and Zhu Rongji, written by Wang Youqun, an official at the Regulations Office of the Disciplinary Committee of the China Communist Party. The author of the letter was a practitioner of Fa Lun Gong. In the letter the author praised Fa Lun Gong and Li Hongzhi. It is said that it was this letter that greatly infuriated Jiang Zemin, who initiated the massive crackdown of the Fa Lun Gong (October issue). We also published a review named "Why Should Fa Long Gong Suffer Such Catastrophe", written by one of our readers in Beijing (November issue), and news of Fa Lun Gong practitioners defiance of the crackdown in holding a press conference (December issue). Since the beginning of this year, "Beijing Spring" has closely followed developments of the Fa Lun Gong incident.

    Over the past several years there have been frequent civil disturbance in mainland China as a result of massive layoff of employees of state-run enterprises and government's failure to pay wages and pension on time, city residents protesting against government's measure of forcible relocation, and cheating in illegal fund-raising, and Christians protesting against restrictions on religious freedom, farmers protesting exorbitant taxatiol'1, etc. On the column of the "News of Democracy Activities in China and Overseas" of "Beijing Spring", the journal has provided extensive and detailed coverage over the non-political and non-organizational protests by civilians, including the protest by more than 1000 investors in front of the provincial government building in Wuhan in 1999, the protest by 700 laid-off employees in Sichuan, the clash between 500 Christians with public security agents in Xian because they wanted to protect their church, the siege of 2000 Linghe City residents on the city government building in Inner Mongolia, attacks on township governments by 5000 farmers in Hunan, and the big riot in Chongqing by 2000 people triggered by the government's measure to curb the illegal fund-raising. This year, we also reported incidents such as that about 1000 taxi drivers in Sichuan province blocked roads in protest, and the protest by 1500 students of Beijing University over the rape and murder of a female student. These civil disturbances do not have such obvious political impact as the organization of the China Democracy Party, however, they signaled the social situation of today's China. In addition to the continuous report on the news by the journal, "Beijing Spring" also published a special edition last November on the issue of "corruption and anti-corruption", in which detailed and in-depth discussions and research were made over the "Corruption of the System" as currently prevalent in China. We published articles written by scholars in and outside of China on suggestions and possible solutions to the corruption in today's China.

    Looking on China from a global view is one of the starting points of the " Beijing Spring". On the column of "World View", there have been comments and views on international issues, and some of the major events have become headline stories. President Clinton's visit to China was one of the major events in the world, and had a significant impact on China's politics. On the August 1998 issue of "Beijing Spring", we focused on this event by discussing the impact of Clinton's visit to China on the society and politics of China. Zhu Rongji's visit to the United States and the "anti-US" wave in Mainland China, triggered by the bombing of the Chinese Embassy to Yugoslavia by NATO, have been noticeable changes in 1999, and the Sino-US relationship has changed as a result. On the June 1999 issue of "Beijing Spring", we focused on this event by publishing a series of articles discussing this issue in detail, including Hu Ping's lengthy article, "The Event of the Embassy Bombing and the Crisis in the Sino-US Relationship". This article provided in-depth insights into the question of "accidental bombing or deliberate challenge" of the NATO missiles, and the issue of "Strategic Partnership and Contact" after the drastic changes in the Sino-US relationship within several days of the embassy bombing, Communist Chinese government's dilemma and the "competing for display of patriotism" as shown in the anti-US protests in mainland China. Later, this article was published on the "World Journal" in the name of the editorial office of the "Beijing Spring", clearly showing how we viewed this event.

    2. Report in Detail on New Developments in China Democracy Movement Overseas

    The overseas democracy activities and development have always been the focus of report of "Beijing Spring". In the past several years, "Beijing Spring" has maintained a certain cooperative relationship with various democracy and human rights organizations such as the China Alliance for Democracy, Democracy Front, Democracy Allied Front, Freedom and Democracy Party, China Democracy Party, Coordinating Committee for Overseas Democracy Organizations, Human Rights in China, China Peace, etc. "Beijing Spring" timely reported meetings and activities held by these organizations. In 1995, "Beijing Spring" reported such activities as the protest against Communist Chinese government's persecution of Chen Zhiming, protest against Jiang Zeming's coming to the United States for the United Nations' conference, and the protest against the imprisonment of Wei Jingsheng by the Communist Chinese government for the second time. In 1996, "Beijing Spring" published special comments on the rescue of Wei Jingsheng and Wang Dan, prominent Chinese democracy activists persecuted by the Communist Chinese government. In 1997, "Beijing Spring" directly participated in the coordination and organization of protest activities throughout the United States during Jiang Zemin's visit to the US, and drafted "A Public Letter to Mr. Jiang Zemin", co-signed with other major pro-democracy organizations. During the year, "Beijing Spring" reported on the action plan of "100 days in custody", initiated by New York democracy activists Chen Jun and Fu Shengqi, in protest of the Communist Chinese government's lengthy imprisonment of China's democracy activists, and the patriotic democracy activities of overseas Chinese people in defending the Diaoyu Island. In 1998, we reported activities organized by various democracy organizations and overseas Chinese organizations in protest of the merciless killing and raping of ethnic Chinese in Indonesia, as well as "Round-table meeting of the Tiananmen generation" as pioneered by Wang Dan, former student leader in Tiananmen; 20th anniversary of the "democracy wall" movement; activities in assisting the organization of China Democracy Party in China and the "overseas democracy movement conference" chaired by Wei Jingsheng, and we reported the incidents of Wang Bingzhang and Wang Ce's return to China in the spring and fall of 1998 respectively. In 1999 we reported on the research of "constitutional politics" by the Tiananmen Foundation and the Constitutional Democracy Forum and the appeal activities on 50 years of Communist dictatorship in China.

    The commemoration of the June 4 democracy movement each year has been the major work of the "Beijing Spring". Over the past 7 years, on the commemoration column of the "Beijing Spring" each year, more that 70 articles have been published, and we reported in detail the commemoration activities during the June 4 period throughout the world. Articles such as the "letter of appeal" by Wang Ganchang, a renowned scientist in China, on the realization of leniency in China, and words and activities of Ding Zilin and others appealing for families of "June 4" victims and the injured have won tremendous influence in China as well as the world.

    "Beijing Spring" has stuck to the ideal of chronologically recording China's democracy movement. It has visited and reported on democracy activists in China and dissident intellectuals who came to the United States on its column of "figure", including pioneers of China's democracy movement such as Wei Jingsheng, Wang Xizhe, Liu Qing, renowned physicist Fang Lizhi, writers Liu Bingyan and Wang Ruowang, theorist Su Shaozhi, legal expert Yu Haocheng, poet of the "democracy wall" Huang Xiang, old soldier for democracy movement Xu Shuiliang, student leaders in Tiananmen in 1989 such as Wang Dan, Xiong Ni, Xiang Xiaoji, Zhou Fengsuo, and Wang Juntao, who was called the "black hand" of the Tiananmen Incident, and Guo Luoji, prominent Chinese dissident, An Qi, renowned exile journalist, Liu Guokai, New York sponsor of association for denouncing atrocities against ethnic Chinese in Indonesia and Fu Shengqi, Tong Yi, Zhang Lin and more than 50 other figures.

    3. Systematically Promoting Debate and Discussion on Major Theoretical Issues

    The systematic discussion and debate of theoretical issues associated with China's democracy movement has been one of traditional programs of "Beijing Spring". During these 7 years, "Beijing Spring", in association with democracy and human rights organizations, has hold more than 10 forums on specific topics, and reported in detail on these meetings. Some of the forums are listed below.

    In 1995, after the exposure of the "black list" of the Chinese government barring entry into China by democracy activists, "Beijing Spring" timely organized a discussion on the issue of "black-listed figures", and Fang Lizhi, Wang Ruowang and Liu Bingyan attended the meeting. After the meeting, "Beijing Spring" covered this event with headline story on its May 1995 issue named "nationals are entitled to return to homeland".

    During the period of the 6th anniversary of the June 4 democracy movement in 1995, "Beijing Spring" organized a large-scale theoretical forum on the '89 democracy movement. According to some exiled student leaders attending the meeting, this forum was an event that attracted the most student leaders and reached the deepest theoretical problems since 1991. This kind of forum on specific topics had very good effect, and the attitude of fairness, carefulness and practicality of the "Beijing Spring" won praise from different factions of the overseas democracy organizations.

    In June 1996, during the 30th anniversary of the Cultural Revolution in mainland China, the Chinese Student Association at the Princeton University and "Beijing Spring" jointly held a forum called "30th Anniversary of the Cultural Revolution". More than 10 renowned scholars, specialists and witnesses to major events of the Cultural Revolution attended the meeting. They conducted systematic summary and debate over the theoretical and practical issues of the Cultural Revolution, and presented their views on the historical lesson of this movement, wars between different factions and massive violence, issues of the Red Guard, Rebels and Stay-aways "two Cultural Revolutions" and "Three-year Cultural Revolution", individual worship of Mao Zedong and the role of the army, and the bureaucratic system among Mao Zedong and Zhou Enlai.

    In October 1996, together with the Holland and German branches of the Alliance for Democracy, "Beijing Spring" held "International Forum on Nationalism and China's Future". More than 50 people from 11 countries attended this meeting, and international media such BBC, French International Broadcasting Station, Europe Daily, Debate of Hong Kong, Frontier all provided coverage of this event. Many attendees pointed out that this was one of the few high-quality theoretical debates on democracy movement in recent years.

    In. January 1997, "Beijing Spring" held "Forum on the Future of China's Democracy Movement" in New York. For the purpose of summarizing the experience and achievement of the democracy movement in recent years, discussing the situation the democracy movement was facing, and tasks in the future and strategy, this forum was held and was attended by more than 100 overseas democracy activists from Australia, Japan, France, Britain, Germany, Canada, Taiwan and various parts of America. The forum focused on "Analysis on the Economic and Political Tendency in the Post-Deng Era", "Historical Problems and Current Status of China's Democracy Movement", "Options of Strategy and Future for China's Democracy Movement", "Role of Taiwan in China's Democracy Movement". This forum also passed a motion to promote Wei Jingsheng and Wang Dan as candidates for the 1997 Nobel Peace Prize, "Letter of Console to Imprisoned Chinese Democracy Activists During the Spring Festival", etc.

    In May 1997 "Beijing Spring" held a meeting named "Forum on the Future of Hong Kong After Its Handover to China" in London, England. The meeting focused on the future of Hong Kong, a British colony for 150 years after it was returned to China. More than 30 people from Japan, Hong Kong, America, Australia, Germany, France, Denmark, England, Holland attended this meeting, including Mr. Philip Baker, renowned lawyer in Britain as well as an executive of "Human Rights in China", and the "Guardian" columnist John Gittings. Journalists from the "Media TV" of Hong Kong, "Guangming Daily" London Station, and the New China News Agency covered this event. This meeting focused on such topics as "China Becomes More Like Hong Kong, or the Reverse", "Human Rights and Legal System in Hong Kong's Future", "Where Is The Future for Press Freedom in Hong Kong", "How the International Community Remains Concerned About Hong Kong", and "The Impact of Return of Hong Kong on China's Democracy Movement".

    In August 1997, together with the European Chinese Democracy Workers' Association, Today's China Research Center, "Beijing Spring" held "International Forum on the 3rd Anniversary of the European Chinese Democracy Workers' Association and post-Deng China". More than 30 scholars from 11 American, European and Asian countries attended this meeting. Half a year after Deng's death, research was made on the pressing issues on China's politics, economics, social and cultural issues and international relations after Deng's pass-away, and provided constructive strategy and suggestions to the promotion of political and economic reform in mainland China and the peaceful transition of the society. The Central News Agency of Taiwan, "Debate" and "Frontier" journals, United News of Hong Kong, "Europe Daily", "Frankfurt News" and the National Broadcasting Station of Holland, French Broadcasting Station, BBC of Britain, "Voice of Germany" Broadcasting Station, and "Beijing Spring" all dispatched reporters to cover this event. At the meeting, there was a press conference featuring "Chinese Scholars in China and Overseas Talk About the Issue of Zhao Zhiyang", and the media was very interested in speeches given by various individuals.

    In September 1997, "Beijing Spring' held "Forum on Nationalism: Talks Among Han, Tibetan, and Mongolian Nationalities" at its editorial office. Representatives of the exiled Tibetan government, Mongolian friends and Han nationals were invited to attend this meeting. Xue Wei, manager of "Beijing Spring" was invited to attend a conference held by the Association of East Turkistan in Sweden in December of the same year. At the meeting, he talked with Mr. Faluk, chairman of the association on the current status and future of nationalism in Xinjiang area.

    In the beginning of 1998. "Beijing Spring" and the Princeton Chinese Scholar's Association jointly held "International Forum on One Country, Two Systems and China's Future". More than 100 scholars, specialists and democracy activists, Chinese and foreign friends concerned with China's future from Taiwan, Hong Kong, Europe, Australia and America debated heatedly over major issues as "One Country, Two Systems and political development in China in future. Topics included "Background of One Country. Two Systems and Its political and Economical Functions... "Outlook on One Country .Two Systems from Half-year Development of Hong Kong", "Taiwan Situation and Design of One Country, Two Systems", and "One Country, Two Systems and Political, Economic Development in Mainland China", "One Country, Two Systems and China's Democracy", "One Country, Two Systems and China Economic Rim".

    In October 1999, "Beijing Spring" presided over and held a forum named "Communist Dictatorship: A Discussion on Crimes, Terrors and Crackdowns". It was attended by overseas democracy activists and ordinary people. At this meeting, a summary was made on the crimes from the historical and factual perspectives, which was enhanced to theoretical perspective, including summary on Communist Chinese government's land reform, strike on counterrevolutionaries, people's commune, great leap forward, three years of "natural" disaster, cultural revolution and the crackdown on the "June 4" movement.

    Shortly after the presidential election in Taiwan, which attracted world attention, "Beijing Spring" and Princeton Chinese Scholar's Association held a forum in May of this year in New York and presided over the "Taiwan Election and The Future for China's Democracy" Forum. A number of people gave excellent speeches on issues such as "Taiwan Election and the Island's Political and Ecological Evolvement", "Impact of Taiwan Election on Relationship Between the Taiwan Straits and the Triangle Relationship of US, China, and Taiwan", "Taiwan Election and the Process of Democratization in Mainland China", etc. Speakers included Professor Yang Liyu, director of the Asia Department of the Seton Hall University of the United States who was a member of the Overseas Committee of the State Department and met with Deng Xiaoping in the '80s, and Andrew Nathan, renowned China specialist and professor of the Columbia University, Zhang Ronggong, director of the Working Committee on Mainland China of the China Nationalist Party who just came from Taiwan, Zhao Hongzhang, former director of the Taiwan Youth Unity Association and currently teaching staff at the Taiwan University, Liu Zhitong, secretary general of the World Democracy and Freedom Alliance, central branch of the Republic of China, Liu Qing, chairman of Human Rights in China, Liu Bingyan, prominent Chinese writer, Hong Zhesheng, overseas adviser of the Democratic Progressive Party, Lin Feng, political commentator, Sima Lu, historian, etc. More than 100 people attended this meeting passionately, and voiced their views freely. During the election, Professor Nathan was monitoring in Taipei, and his detailed analysis on the possibility of development of US-China-Taiwan triangle relationship attracted extensive attention from the media.

    In addition to holding meetings, "Beijing Spring" also organized numerous theoretical debates on specific topics, including research on "30th Anniversary of the Cultural Revolution", theoretical discussion on "40th Anniversary of the Anti-Rightist Movement", debates over nationalism and "One Country, Two Systems", and "Human Rights and Sovereignty". These theoretical issues have significant impact on China's democracy movement. For example, during the debate over the issue of human rights versus sovereignty, "Beijing Spring" translated and published an article by Mr. Harvel, Czech's president entitled "Human-Rights Is Above Sovereignty", "Two Kinds of Sovereignty" by Secretary General Anan of the United Nations, and Deriviki's "Experience of Establishment of Human Rights in Central and Eastern Europe", as well as "On Human Rights and Sovereignty" by Lin Mu, a Chinese scholar; "Human Rights versus Sovereignty" by Xu Jilin, and "Can Internal Affairs of A Country of Sovereignty Be Interfered" by Zheng Qi. On the December 1999 issue, "Beijing Spring" published a special edition on "Human Rights versus Sovereignty". In addition, "Beijing Spring" often selects articles of theoretical value on Chinese issues by foreign specialists for translation and publication, which has been applauded by our readers.

    "Beijing Spring" has always adopted an attitude of encouraging theoretical debates on different views. On columns of "Theoretical Research", "Democracy Wall", "Debate", and "Readers, Writers and Editors", "Beijing Spring" has continuously published articles of debate on "Liberalism versus Constitutional Democracy", "National Autonomy and Nationalism", "Independence, Unity and Relationship Between the Taiwan Straits", "Retrospect on June 4 Democracy Movement", "Christianity and Democracy", etc. We have provided the best chance for people to freely voice their views, including people from Tibet, Xinjiang, Mongolia and Taiwan. At the same time, on debates resulted from the theoretical and practical activities of the organization of the China Democracy Party in mainland China (for example, whether the timing was proper, whether members of the Democracy Party had fancy about the regime of the Communists, whether the lawful struggle of the China Democracy Party was a necessary strategy during the process of China's democracy movement or just "opportunism", etc,) "Beijing Spring" provided ample space for debate and discussion, including "Gains and Losses of Party Organization Activities" written by Hu Ping, chief editor of "Beijing Spring", "On the Setup of Opposition Parties" by Li Jinjin, "Independent Trade Union and Party Organization Activities" by Li Zanxin, "Retrospect on the Strategy of Public Party Organization" by Yang Jianli, "On Public Organization of Opposition Parties" by Wang Fucheng of France, "On the Party Organization Movement in Mainland China" by Ni Yuxian, and Wang Fucheng's response to this article, "On-spot Anti-Communism Theory" by Lin Qiaoqing, etc. after NATO bombed the Chinese Embassy in Yugoslavia, "Beijing Spring" provided continuous coverage and debate over this event by publishing more than 10 articles, including "Three No's On the Kosovo Incident" by Jiang Qisheng, prominent Chinese democracy activist in Beijing; "Be Aware of Extreme Nationalism" and "Human Rights and Sovereignty" by Shanghai scholars Xiao Gongqin and Xu Jilin. On different views of the Fa Lun Gong, "Beijing Spring" also provided space for comment. On the latest two issues of this year, "Beijing Spring" published different views and comments by democracy activists in and outside of China on China's participation in WTO and the grant of PNTR to China by the US.

    4. Pay Close Attention to Relations Between Taiwan Straits and Nationalist Issues

    The relationship between mainland China and Taiwan, as well as nationalist issues, including Han-Tibetan, Han-Yogur, Han-Mongolian relations, are unavoidable and complex theoretical and practical questions that the China democracy movement must address. On these issues "Beijing Spring" has been adopting a very careful attitude.

    In 1995, in view of Communist Chinese government's intimidation and war threat to Taiwan, "Beijing Spring" organized articles many times to reveal the Chinese Communists' attention of maintaining their dictatorship under the name of "patriotism". When the Communist Chinese government's war threat was more eminent prior to the Taiwan election, "Beijing Spring" edited and published a book named "Individuals From China Talk On Situation in the Taiwan Straits", included were more than 20 articles by Fang Lizhi, Yan Jiaqi, Wang Ruowang, Jin Yaoru, Hu Ping and Yu Dahai, showing clearly that people from China held different views with the Communist Chinese government over the relationship between the Taiwan Straits, as well as providing an in-depth analysis on the real motive of the Communist Chinese government. In March of that year, Yu Dahai, Xue Wei and leaders of other democracy organizations were invited to visit Taiwan during its presidential election. In April of 1996, after the direct presidential election in Taiwan was finished, "Beijing Spring" published a special edition, as well as a visit to Dr. Yun Zhongjun, director of the New York Cultural and Educational Center who originally came from Taiwan. On the January 1999 issue, the headline story of the "Beijing Spring" was "Cross-century Election in Taiwan", and provided an analysis on the impact of Taiwan's election over mainland China through a series of articles, especially provided a very clear explanation on the term "Neo-Taiwanese". On the "special state-to-state relationship" put forward by President Li Tenghwei (abbreviated to "Two-State Theory"), there have been differing responses from the society. On the September 1999 issue, "Beijing Spring" used "On Two-State Theory" as its headline. The May issue of this year was a special edition dedicated to "Taiwan Election and China's Future for Democracy". On the "Between the Straits" column, we have so far published dozens of articles and put forward a new idea of using new way of thinking in solving issues between Mainland China and Taiwan.

    On the complex issue of ethnic problems, "Beijing Spring" supports the rebel movement by ethnic minorities who are suppressed by the Communist Chinese government, sticking to the principle of democracy and human rights, while at the same time conducted debates on different views. In February 1996, Xue Wei, manager of "Beijing Spring", visited the exiled Tibetan government in India, met with the Dalai Lama, and signed an agreement with the Foreign Affairs and Media Ministry of the exile government. Both sides made the decision that they would provide mutual support on democracy activities in China and overseas, as well as exchange of information. The exiled Tibetan government transported dozens of the "Beijing Spring" journal to Mainland China each month, including Tibet, Sichuan, Yunnan and Qinghai. "Beijing Spring" consequently published articles on the Dalai Lama and the exiled Tibetan government, and articles written by democracy activists visiting Dalai Lala of India, including articles written by Yu Dahai, chairman of "Beijing Spring"; Zhong Weiguang, exiled scholar in Germany; Huan Xuewei's couple; Mo Lihua, freelance writer exiling in Sweden and reporter of "Beijing Spring" European Station. The Dalai Lama's preamble to "Lama's Murder" by Taiwan writer was also published in "Beijing Spring", and we also published talks between "Beijing Spring" reporter and Tibetan friends Apei Jinmei and Dawa Cairen, and the talk between Xue Wei, "Beijing Spring" manager and the Dalai Lama. Xue Wei has been maintaining direct contact with ethnic Tibetan, Vogur and Mongolian organizations overseas, and participated in the setup of the American Han- Tibetan Association. In 1996, "Beijing Spring" published Xue Wei's talk with the Dalai Lama, and in 1998, the declaration of the foundation of the "Han-Tibetan Association", as well as Xue Wei's conversation with Abuli Kemu, chairman of the Central Executive Committee of the East Turkistan, and released news on the invitation of Xue Wei to the East Turkistan Conference held in Germany.

    5. Strengthen Relationship with Readers in Mainland China

    Since its foundation, "Beijing Spring" has always prioritized articles written by authors in Mainland China, and in this way has been maintaining a strong relationship with Chinese readers and authors. A total of 113 articles from China were published from 1993 to 1994. In 1995,n95 were published. In 1996, 46 were published. In 1997, 22 were published. In 1998, 48 were published. In 1999, 67 were published. 30 articles from China have been published in "Beijing Spring" so far this year. This makes a total of 461 articles. These articles made discussions on major theoretical issues, including renowned philosopher Wang Ruoshui's new evaluation on Marxism, the retrospect on the Communist system by Hu Jiwei, the 80-year-old Chinese Communist party member and former editor-in-chief of the "People's Daily", memoir and afterthoughts by Xu Liangying, renowned historian, on the "Anti-Rightist" movement, and the differing views of Lin Mu, former secretary to Hu Yaobang, on Li Zehou's theory of "Goodbye to Revolution", and articles on nationalism, liberalism and extremism, as well as the "Declaration on the Double l0th" by Wang Xizhe and Liu Xiaobo to both the Communist and Nationalist Parties; review on the political conservatism in today's China by Liu Xiaobo; review on "Gu Zhun's Works" by Li Rui; review on the "Bankruptcy Law" by Cao Siyuan; comments by Li Shenzhi, former vice president of the China Academy of Social Sciences, on 50 years of Communist rule in China, the "Five One" plan of China democracy movement put forward by Qin Yongmin, goals of China democracy movement and its strategy during transition period as proposed by Xu Wenli, the organization of national opposition parties put forward by Wang Youcai, article on reforms of enterprises and independent trade union movement written by Tang Yuanxiao, discussion on peaceful resistance to Communist Chinese government's violent regime and stage theory of China's democracy movement process as proposed by Fu Guoyong, democracy activist in Zhejiang, etc. In addition to major theoretical issues, "Beijing Spring" also published numerous articles by dissidents in various parts of China on current political issues, among which were "Declaration on Citizen's Freedom of Speech" by Wang Ming of Sichuan, "An Appeal of A Political Prisoner" by Tang Yuanxiao of Liaoning, suggestions by Jin Cheng of Beijing on fair trial of Chen Xitong, the public letter to state leaders by Yang Qinheng of Shanghai, the analysis by Li Xiaoping of Beijing on "One Country, Two Systems" and the issue of China's unification, the public letter to the human rights commission of the UN by Jiang Qisheng of Beijing, and "Declaration of Freedom and Citizen's Rights", "Declaration on Social Justice and Citizen's Rights" as sponsored and signed by Ding Zilin and Lin Mu, and articles of appeal by Meng Ruiyun, mother of the imprisoned democracy activist Tong Yi; Gong Liwen, mother of Li Hai; Xu Hong, wife of Lin Hai; Chu Hailan, wife of Liu Nianchun. These articles timely featured major events of the time. For example, the article "On Jiang Zemin's Speech at Harvard", written by Qin Yongmin on November 5, and published on the December 1999 issue of "Beijing Spring" on the topic of "Give Jiang Zemin A lesson on Democracy" was only 10 days after the article was written. The record of the persecution by the government of Xu Wenli, democracy activist in Beijing, during the June 4 anniversary of this year was also published on the "Beijing Spring" 10 days after the event. In addition, "Beijing Spring" also published some poems and other literary works by authors in China, including poems composed by the couple of Liu Xiaobo, and "If you Have To Sacrifice Enough", a poem composed by Tan Li, a Hunan poet; "The Free Man" composed by Yu Tian, a Sichuan poet; "To Wan Kai" composed by Yu Fu, a Zhejiang poet; "Desperation of '89" composed by Wen Dan, a Liaoning poet, etc. It should be pointed out that some of the authors were democracy activists that had been fighting as frontiers of democracy movements in China. On the column of "To the Editor" of each issue, "Beijing Spring" has provided space for voices from China while making special precautions to ensure the safety of those writing letters to the journal.

    Wei Jingsheng, Wang Dan and Huang Xiang and other had been providing articles to the "Beijing Spring" through different channels while they were still in China. In addition to those mentioned above, contributors to the "Beijing Spring" also include Chen Ziming, Bao Zunxin, Chen Xiaoya, Zhou Duo, Jiang Qisheng, Sha Yuguang, and Liu Junning of Beijing; Xiao Xuehui, He Bing, Wang Yizong, Wang Jianhui, Deng Huanwu and Liu Xianbin of Sichuan; Li Wei and Leng Wanbao of Jilin; Ge Hu and Li Qingxi of Shanxi; Sheng Liangqing of Anhui; Yang Hai, Ma Xiaoming and Li Guiren of Shannxi; Jian Hu of Shanghai; Ma Shaofang of Jiangsu; Gong Yancheng of Hebei; Yuan Hongbin of Guizhou, Xiao Liqun of Heilongjiang, etc. Some of them are well known, while others are common people. Most of the authors asked others to carry their manuscripts out of China for safety reasons (Xu Liangying's article in memoir of the "Anti-Rightist" movement was via Mr. Fang Lizhi, and Wang Ruoshui's article was transmitted by fax). Some of the authors sent their manuscripts directly to the editorial office by mail or fax, and recently there have been more and more manuscripts received through email.

    In view of the lessening interest in China's democracy activities by the Chinese language media overseas, "Beijing Spring" deliberately strengthened its reporting on democracy activities in China on its column "News on Democracy Activities in China and Overseas", so that people in China as well as overseas are able to realize the current status of democracy activities in and outside of China. At the same time, via fax and email, news is sent to China to let people in China know that their activities have been reported and paid attention to. "Beijing Spring" staff has maintained a direct contact through a hotline with some of the prominent figures of democracy and human rights activities; "Beijing Spring" regularly communicated with numerous readers, authors in China through telephone, fax and internet. "Beijing Spring" regularly sends every issue of the journal to them and other people by mail. In 1999, "Beijing Spring" prepared a CD including all the articles published on "Beijing Spring" and other information on democracy activities. This CD was mailed to Chinese readers free of charge; and sent 100 CDs to people in China through others, which were transferred to those who were eager to read it.

    "Beijing Spring" influence in China has been increasing day by day. Wang Xizhe, Wei Jingsheng, Wang Dan and other democracy activists all said that they were often able to read "Beijing Spring" when they were in China, and it was easier to read it on the internet. The timely report on situation of democracy activists in China by "Beijing Spring" has received positive response from foreign friends. The chief editor of the "International Forum on Democracy" of Vietnam wrote to Fang Lizhi, saying that they were very interested in publishing articles of the "Beijing Spring" journal, and an American couple were eager to contact "Beijing Spring" to offer help Gao Yu after they read reports on the persecution of the journalist by the Communist Chinese government. It should be mentioned that in the book "A Guide to Asian Media in US" as published by the Tongji University Press in May 1996 and for which Wang Shenghong, vice chairman of the Shanghai Political Consultative Conference wrote an preamble, "Beijing Spring" was listed separately, stating that "Beijing Spring" was very political, and timely reflected various political issues in Mainland China, and that editors of "Beijing Spring" were supporters of Chinese-style human rights, and often sympathized and supported China's human rights movement. Therefore it is obvious that "Beijing Spring" has a significant influence in every walk of political and social life in Mainland China.

    In addition to the regular publication of the journal, "Beijing Spring" also publishes "Beijing Spring Briefing" designed for readers in China. This publication is sent to relevant schools, organizations, and social groups in Mainland China. For the purpose of strengthening influence and communication in the international community, a bi-monthly English version of the "Beijing Spring" called "Beijing Spring Digest" was published since 1995, and it was designed for the US Congress and other functions of the US government, organizations of the UN and member countries of the UN, governments, congresses, media and human rights groups and some prominent politicians, so that the international community will realize the situation of China's political society and democracy movement. Due to insufficient funds, the "Beijing Spring Briefing" and "Beijing Spring Digest" have terminated publication.

    "Beijing Spring" maintains good cooperative relationship with the New York based "Human Rights in China" and the "China Democracy Movement and Human Rights Information Center" of Hong Kong. Since November 1996, "Beijing Spring" also launched cooperative programs of exchanging articles with "Radio Free Asia".

    6. Provide Readers with Internet Service

    For the purpose of spreading information of democracy via the new technology of "information super highway", "Beijing Spring" entered into "World Wide Web" in October 1995. Since then, all users who have access to the Internet, including users in Mainland China, are able to read "Beijing Spring" on the Internet. So far as we know, "Beijing Spring" was one of the earliest magazines that provided electronic versions on the Internet. For the convenience of readers, "Beijing Spring" prepares a version in international code for each issue and place it on the Internet, and usually within one week of the publication of the journal readers can read the magazine on the Internet. As one of the earliest Chinese language journals on the Internet, "Beijing Spring" is now working on three areas: First, maintenance of the website; second, email to mainland China; third, BBS.

    A. Website

    On the website of the "Beijing Spring", there are whole 86 issues of the "Beijing Spring" journal published so far and other information on democracy activities. In addition, there are also important documents concerning relationships between the Taiwan Straits. The setup of the website was welcomed by users all over the world, including users of China. The Hong Kong Alliance for Support of Democracy in China, the US National Foundation for Democracy, China News Digest and many other organizations provide links to "Beijing Spring" on their respective websites. According to statistics of network service providers, "Beijing Spring" attracted more than 3000 readers per day, including readers in Mainland China. Later, Li Peng issued an order, banning the reading of the journal on the Internet, and as a result, there had been a substantial decrease in the number of readers from China, which maintained a level of 100 per week; however, not long after this, there was a fast increase in the number of readers. Statistics show that recently there have been more and more Chinese readers accessing our website. There is a total of 7000 people accessing our website each day, among them there are about 2000 people from mainland China each week. According to a recent report for the week as provided by the network service providers, there is an average of 7297 people accessing our website each day, who read 3038 of our electronic files, and the information quantity they receive is 87MB each day, amounting to 400 copies of "Beijing Spring". Among them, 2565 people are from Mainland China, and the amount of information they receive is 5 percent of the total, which is about 20 copies of the "Beijing Spring" journal, which is to say that they receive information that is equivalent to 140 copies of "Beijing Spring" each week. It is obvious that "Beijing Spring" is welcomed by readers. However, because the Communist Chinese government regards "Beijing Spring" as one of its enemies, and has done everything to block the journal from reaching our readers, what "Beijing Spring" needs to do is to break the blockade of the Communist Chinese government, so that every reader in Mainland China can access the website of "Beijing Spring".

    B. Email

    The transmission of email to Mainland China by the "Beijing Spring" also began in 1995. Since August 1999, "Beijing Spring" has widened its scope of transmission. Currently we are sending articles of the "Beijing Spring" to thousands of email addresses in China. So far we have sent tens of thousands of emails. Some individuals in Mainland China have expressed the desire that they need no more of emailed "Beijing Spring", while there are also many others who expressed their dissatisfaction over the government and their hope for democracy movement in their email responses. It is clear that most of the people in China have received emailed "Beijing Spring", and some of them have been maintaining contact with us and sending us manuscripts through email. Many authors of "Beijing Spring" are now using email to send their articles to "Beijing Spring" for publication.

    C.BBS

    For the purpose of communication among people concerned with democracy and human rights in Mainland China, 'Beijing Spring" presented "BBS of Beijing Spring" on the Internet in November 1999. This is a public forum in which all views can be freely expressed. The website is http://beijingspring.com/bbs. Right now there are many people participating in the discussions on the forum, although quality of the discussion needs to be improved. Currently "Beijing Spring" makes no restrictions on the contents of discussion, except for those of personal insults and slander. However, this work also needs to be improved.

    Cover pages

    Cover Page: Penetrating the Ten-Year Anniversary of Hong Kong's Return to Chinese Sovereignty

    Second Front Page: July 1st Mass Demonstration in Hong Kong
    Upper Left: In Hong Kong, sixty thousands people participated in the July 1st demonstration.
    Upper Right: People of Hong Kong demand "Democracy, Freedom, Human Rights, Legal Institutions, and Universal Suffrage".
    Middle Left: Preparing a coffin for the dying regime of the Chinese Communist Party.
    Middle Right: Democratic Party demand ”®Double Universal Suffrage'.
    Bottom: (from left to right) Situ Hua, Li Zhuming, Chen Rijun, Chen Fang Ansheng.

    Third Front Page: News Photos
    Upper Left: Joint photo of some participants of "Commemorating the Fifty-Year Anniversary of Anti-Right Movement International Symposium" in Los Angeles.
    Upper Right: "Social Democracy Symposium" was held in Hong Kong on July 8.
    Middle Left: Pro-democracy activists condemned the CPC Interruption on Hong Kong democracy in front of the General Consulate of China in New York.
    Middle Right: Discussion forum of "2008 Olympics and China's Human Rights" on July 3.
    Lower Left: "Wan Renjie Information and Culture Award" was awarded to Xi Xiande and Chen Pokong on July 7.
    Lower Right: The exposure of underground child slavery in Shanxi, Mainland.

    Back Page: Spring Snow Falls into Long River (painted by Ding Langfu from Beijing)

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    Beijing Spring,P.O.Box 520709,Flushing,
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    About us

    About Beijing Spring

    Everyone has the right to seek, receive and impart information and ideas through any media and regardless of frontiers. 
    ---- United Nations Universal Declaration of Human Rights, 1948

    Beijing Spring, a monthly Chinese-language magazine dedicated to the promotion of human rights, democracy and social justice in China, has been in continuous publication since June 1993.

    Over the years, Beijing Spring has made a substantial contribution to spreading the message of democracy and accelerating the economic and political reforms. Indeed, as the published Tiananmen Papers reveals, Li Peng and other Chinese leaders believe that the 1989 Democracy Movement was in part instigated by China Spring, a predecessor of Beijing Spring. As the widespread 1989 democracy demonstrations have shown, although China is a country ruled by a totalitarian regime, the Chinese people have a keen interest in adopting a democratic form of government. Their inspirations, however, have been stifled by the repressive regime. At this time, advocating democracy in China can result in imprisonment or worse. As a result, pro-democracy publications such as Beijing Spring can only be printed outside of China. Anyway, these publications are often taken into China by the Chinese national living abroad.

    Beijing Spring's articles cover the reporting of current political development, analysis of social issues, documentation of human rights violations in China, and discussion on how democratization can be achieved. About a third of its articles are contributed by authors in China. The magazine has been officially branded "illegal" by the Chinese government, but is available in some restricted Chinese libraries. It is widely circulated within the dissident circle in China and is known as a standard bearer of the democracy movement. Beijing Spring sends compact discs with a complete collection of magazine articles to readers in China for free. Its website (www.bjzc.org) received thousands of hits every day. Beijing Spring magazine is published on the fifteenth of each month. The electronic version is normally uploaded to this site before the end of the month. With its editorial office based in New York, Beijing Spring has readers from all over the world.

    The editorial office of Beijing Spring is also the center of a wide range of pro-democracy activities. In this regard it takes over certain roles formerly played by the Chinese Alliance for Democracy. It sponsors all kinds of gatherings, including formal conferences. Beijing Spring also regularly supports visits to China by overseas dissidents to organize and coordinate pro-democracy activities. It maintains close relation with various pro-democracy groups and with the exiled Tibetan and other minority groups. It helps organize the worldwide annual remembrance of the June 4, 1989 Tiananmen massacre. It provides assistance to newly arrived refugees and dissidents.

    Beijing Spring is registered in the U.S. as a nonprofit corporation. It is assisted by a worldwide network, with liaison offices in Hong Kong, Japan, Europe, Canada, and Australia. Beijing Spring has an advisory board consisting of thirteen distinguished members and a five-member editorial board.

    This website stores thousands of articles published in Beijing Spring and elsewhere totaling over 10 million Chinese characters. Most recent Internet browsers support simplified Chinese characters. If the browser does not automatically display correct Chinese characters, you need to change the encoding under the view menu to "simplified Chinese" in order to read Chinese texts online. You may need to install multi-language Support pack from Microsoft website to enable the browser to recognize foreign characters or even download a Chinese viewer such as Njstar Communicator if you fail to see the Chinese encoding option. This viewer can be downloaded from http://www.njstar.com.

    For a one-year subscription, send a check of $30 ($60 for institutions) to: Beijing Spring, P. O. Box 520709, Flushing, NY 11352, USA. Tel: (718) 661-9977; Fax: (718)661-9922; E-mail: editor@bjs.org. Subscribers outside of U.S. pay pay $60 a year.


    Members of Beijing Spring's Advisory Board

    Fang Lizhi, professor of physics at University of Arizona. As the former vice president of Chinese University of Science and Technology, he inspired the 1989's Chinese Democracy movement and then was forced to seek refuge in the American Embassy for about a year after the June 4 crackdown.

    Guo Luoji, a leading liberal theoretician who was driven out of Beijing by Former Chairman Deng Xiaoping because of his political opinion. In 1992, he sued the Chinese government for human rights abuses in a Federal Court of law. Now he is a visiting scholar at Harvard University.

    Lin Baohua (a.k.a. Ling Feng), a critical columnist. Born in Indonesia, he graduated from the People's University in Beijing and had lived in Hong Kong for many years until 1997.

    Perry Link, professor of East Asian Studies at Princeton University. He specializes in 20th-century Chinese literature and is very concerned with human rights condition in Mainland China.

    Liu Binyan, famous writer. He was reporter with People's Daily, the official newspaper in China before 1987. Because of his resounding articles on Chinese corruption and brutality, he was criticized, expelled and barred from publishing. He is now a fellow of the Princeton China Initiative.

    Liu Qing, Chairman of the Executive Committee of Human Rights in China. As a democracy promoter and a close ally of Wei Jingsheng, he had been jailed by Chinese government for almost ten years.

    Andrew Nathan, professor of Political Science and Director of East Asian Institute at Columbia University. His teaching and research interests include Chinese politics and foreign policy, the comparative study of political participation and political culture, and human rights. He has published numerous books and articles on China's politics.

    Situ Hua, president of the Hong Kong Alliance in Support of Patriotic and Democratic Movement in China. Mr. Situ is a member of the Hong Kong legislature and an important leader of the Democratic Party of Hong Kong.

    Su Shaozhi, chairman of Princeton China Initiative. Once served as the director of the Institute of Marxism-Leninism-Mao Zedong Thought of the Chinese Academy of Social Sciences, he is a leading liberal political theoretician in China.

    Su Xiaokang, a Chinese writer well known for his epic The River's Elegy, a critical television program about China's political and cultural evolution. As an active participator in the 1989 democracy movement, he was forced to leave China. Now he is a fellow of the Princeton China Initiative and publisher of the bi-monthly journal "The Democratic China".

    Yang Liyu, professor of East Asian Studies at Seton Hall University

    Yu Ying-shi, professor of history at Princeton University. Mr. Yu has been a leading critic on the tyranny of the Chinese communists after he left China in 1950. After the Chinese government crackdown on the Democracy Movement in 1989, he devoted himself into helping the fled Chinese activists to settle down in the U.S and setting up the Princeton China Initiative.

    Smarlo Ma, Smarlo Ma is pen name of Mr. Yi Ma. Joining the CommunistParty of China in 1937, he became Director of the Library of the Anti-Japanese Military and Political College in Yan-an in 1938. He formally left the Party in 1943. as a well known expert on the history of the Communist party of china, he has often been invited to present papers in international conferences of Asian specialists. He has published mora than 20 books.


    Members of Beijing Spring's Editorial Board

    Yu Dahai, Publisher of Beijing Spring and assistant professor of economics at Tufts University. Graduated from Beijing University and received a Ph.D. degree from Princeton University, he served as Chief Editor of Beijing Spring from June 1993 to June 1996 and then as President from June 1996 to September 2002. He is founding president of the Chinese Economists Society and former president of the Chinese Alliance for Democracy and the China Spring magazine.

    Wang Dan, President of Beijing Spring since September 2002. As a student leader from Beijing University in the 1989's Democracy Movement, he was on the most wanted list of the Chinese government after the June 4 crackdown. After being imprisoned for political reasons from July 1989 to February 1993 and again from May 1995 to April 1998, he came to the United States ad is now a doctoral student in Harvard University.

    Hu Ping, Chief Editor of Beijing Spring since 1996 and a regular commentator for Radio Free Asia. Received a Master's degree in philosophy from Beijing University and studied at Harvard University, he was once the Chief Writer of Beijing Spring from June 1993 to June 1996. He is former president of the Chinese Alliance for Democracy and the China Spring magazine.

    Chen Kuide, fellow of Princeton China Initiative and program host for Radio Free Asia. As once the Chief Editor of Shanghai's Thinker magazine, he actively took part in the 1989 democracy movement. He later received a Ph.D. degree in philosophy from Fudan University.

    Zheng Yi, member of the Princeton China initiative and a famous political critic. He once wrote articles to expose the cannibalism in Guangxi during the Great Cultural Revolution in China. As an important leader of the 1989 democracy movement, he was forced to leave China in 1992.

    Xue Wei, Manager of Beijing Spring since 1993. He was imprisoned in Sichuan for ten years for "counter-revolutionary activities" in the 1970's. He was among the founding members of the Chinese Alliance for Democracy and the China Spring magazine and has always served as a leader in promoting Chinese Democracy Movement dating back 1982.

    Last revision: July 31, 2004

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