“天安门母亲”呼吁“两会”对“六四”进行调查
2009年02月26日
今年6月4日是1989年天安门民主运动遭当局军事镇压20周年。在此纪念日到来之前,“天安门母亲”群体--由在当年的政府镇压行动中丧失了亲人的母亲和亲属组成的团体,2月26日授权中国人权发表其致全国人大代表和政协委员的公开信(公开信全文附后)。
公开信呼吁:
真相:重新调查“六四”事件,公布死者人数、死者名单; 赔偿:就每一位死者向其家属作出个案交待,依法给予赔偿; 问责: 对“六四”惨案立案侦查、追究责任者刑责。 公开信指政府当局在20年漫长岁月里刻意掩盖“六四”真相的做法,把中国变成了一间“密不通风的‘铁屋子’”,“‘六四’受难亲属和伤残者的一切哀号,一切哭诉、一切呻吟都挡在了‘铁屋子’以外。”
今年的全国政协和人大会议将分别於3月3日和5日在北京开幕。该公开信是致参加“两会“的代表和委员的。这是“天安门母亲”群体自1995年以来第15次致函“两会”代表。在历年参加签名上书的难属中已有19人故世。
附公开信全文:
请拿出勇气,冲破禁区,直面“六四”
尊敬的十一届二次会议全国人大代表和政协委员:
今年,是“六四”大屠杀20年。
上一个世纪的1989年6月4日,中国当局发动了一场对首都和平示威者及和平居民的大屠杀,严重违背了本国的宪法,违背了一个主权国家所应承担的保护人类的国际义务,由对人权和公民权的一贯侮蔑发展为反人道的暴行。
在已经过去的漫长岁月里,政府当局刻意淡化“六四”,不准国人谈论“六四”,禁止媒体涉足“六四”。中国犹如一间密不通风的“铁屋子”,把民间所有关於“六四”的呼声,把“六四”受难亲属和伤残者的一切哀号,一切哭诉、一切呻吟都挡在了“铁屋子”以外。今天,你们作为“两会”代表、委员,庄严地坐在大会堂里,能听到来自“六四”的呐喊吗?能听到“六四”难属的痛苦叹息吗?现如今,当年的血迹早已被冲刷,弹痕也早已被抹去,屠杀的现场摆满了奇花异草,变成了一片和平繁荣的景象。
可这一切能掩盖得了当年的罪恶,能消除得了遇难亲属年甚一年的伤痛吗?
不!绝对不可能。“六四”大屠杀早已被钉在历史的耻辱柱上。它绝不是轻描淡写的“政治风波”,也不是什么“严重的政治风波”,而是一场不折不扣的反人道暴行。无论何种力量,都无法否定20年前被机枪、坦克夺去千百条鲜活生命这一严酷的事实!
二十年的时光不算短了,足够一代人的成长。后起的一代,没有经历过当年的腥风血雨,没有感受过屠城后凄厉静寂的死地。过去了,似乎一切都过去了,“请君莫唱前朝曲,听唱新翻《杨柳枝》”。这二十年,国家领导人换了一代又一代,从第二代到了第三代、第四代。你们“两会”代表、委员也换了一届又一届。随着时间的推移,情势的变化,似乎给党和国家的领导人提供了一种有利於弱化“六四”,把“六四”推向遥远历史年代的机会。
然而,中国的天安门母亲不答应。我们认为,在“六四”定性问题上,来不得半点含糊,无论是坚持最初的说法,还是改变这种说法,都应该以事实为依据,让真相来说话。如果当年军委主席邓小平发动的“平息反革命暴乱”搞错了,那就必须推翻,必须通过既定的法律程序予以纠正,向全社会公布,不能用含糊其辞的“政治风波”来搪塞。
天安门母亲始终坚持一个信念,那就是:一切按事实说话、做事,不相信任何谎言。我们从最早的寻访活动起,对所寻访的人员都经过反复查证、核实,到目前已知的194位死难者中,无一人有任何暴力行为。他们均属於那场屠杀事件的无辜受害者。他们是为正义而死的,我们惟有为他(她)们讨回公道,追寻迟到的正义。否则,我们将无颜面对死者的亡灵。
从上个世纪的1995年起,我们这群“六四”惨案的受难者和受难亲属,每年郑重地给“两会”写信,提出公正解决“六四”问题的三项要求。这就是:重新调查“六四”事件,公布死者人数、死者名单;就每一位死者向其家属作出个案交待,依法给予赔偿;对“六四”惨案立案侦查、追究责任者刑责。这三项概括起来,就是 “真相、赔偿、问责”六个字。
我们始终秉持和平、理性的原则,呼吁“两会”和政府当局按照民主、法制的程序,以协商、对话的方式求得“六.四”问题的公正解决。然而,我们的此项要求始终没有得到“两会”的讨论。
为了打破解决“六四”事件的僵局,使事态沿着平稳的道路发展,我们於2006年提出:可以按照先易后难的原则,对一些存在重大分歧,一时无法取得共识的问题,可以暂时搁置争议,首先解决一些涉及受害人基本权利和切身利益的问题。这些问题包括:1,撤销对“六四”受难者和受难亲属的监控和人身限制;2,允许死难亲属公开悼念自己的亲人;3,不再阻截、扣没海内外人道救助捐款,悉数发还已冻结的救助款项;4,政府有关部门本着人道精神帮助生活有困难的受害人解决就业、低保等基本生活保障,此项帮助不应附加任何政治条件;5,消除对“六四”伤残者的政治歧视,在公共参与、社会待遇上与普通残疾人一视同仁,等等。
2008年,我们又向“两会”代表提出:今天,世界潮流是对话代替对抗。中国政府在国际事务上主张用对话的方式来解决分歧与争端,那么,我们也就有更充分的理由,要求政府当局以同样的方式来解决国内的分歧与争端。如果能在“六四”问题上,争取实现以对话来代替对抗,那将是整个民族的幸事、全体国人的福祉。多一分对话,就多一分文明与法纪,也就少一分愚昧与专横。对话不是把社会导向对立和仇恨,而是把社会导向宽容与和解。以对话方式解决“六四”问题,将是达成社会和解的必由之路。
现在,又一年过去了,依然是杳无音信。
我们注意到国家主席胡锦涛先生不久前的一份公开讲话中,曾经说过这样一段话:“我们把人民拥护不拥护、赞成不赞成、高兴不高兴、答应不答应作为制定各项方针政策的出发点和落脚点。”对此,我们表示欢迎。既然如此,我们建议人大、政协不妨在全国,尤其是北京,解除“六四”禁区,就“六四”事件开展一次广泛的民意调查,看看民众究竟拥护什么?赞成什么?高兴什么?答应什么?我们想,此事不难做到。
然而,中国民众心里都清楚,“六四”惨案是第二代领导人邓小平一手制造的“铁案”,在当前全国上下以及未来历史上只要邓小平的余威尚在,想要搬倒这个“党和政府早已定性”的结论,抛弃新的“凡是”,那是一件极其艰难的事。即使“平息反革命暴乱”变成了“严重的政治风波”,其实质结论并没有改变。
这就需要各位代表拿出非凡的胆略,拿出政治的勇气和智慧,突破禁区,直面二十年前那场惨绝人寰的悲剧,按照事实真相解决“六四”事件。果真如此,那就必将造福於黎民百姓,功垂千秋。
签名者:
丁子霖 张先玲 周淑庄 李雪文 徐 珏 尹 敏 杜东旭 宋秀玲 於 清 郭丽英 蒋培坤 王范地 段宏炳 袁可志 赵廷杰 吴定富 钱普泰 孙承康 尤维洁 黄金平 贺田凤 孟淑英 袁淑敏 刘梅花 谢京花 马雪琴 邝瑞荣 张艳秋 张树森 杨大榕 刘秀臣 沈桂芳 谢京荣 孙 宁 王文华 金贞玉 要福荣 孟淑珍 田淑玲 邵秋风 王桂荣 谭汉凤 孙恒尧 陈 梅 周 燕 李桂英 徐宝艳 刘春林 狄孟奇 杨银山 管卫东 高 婕 索秀女 刘淑琴 王培靖 王双兰 张振霞 祝枝弟 刘天媛 潘木治 黄定英 何瑞田 程淑珍 张耀祖 轧伟林 郝义传 萧昌宜 任金宝 田维炎 杨志玉 齐国香 李显远 张彩凤 王玉芹 韩淑香 曹长先 方 政 齐志勇 冯友祥 何兴才 刘仁安 李淑娟 熊 辉 韩国刚 石 峰 庞梅清 黄 宁 王伯冬 张志强 赵金锁 孔维真 刘保东 陆玉宝 陆马生 齐志英 方桂珍 肖书兰 葛桂荣 郑秀村 王惠蓉 邢承礼 桂德兰 王运启 黄雪芬 王 琳 刘 干 朱镜蓉 金亚喜 周国林 杨子明 王争强 吴立虹 宁书平 郭达显 曹云兰 隋立松 王广明 冯淑兰 穆怀兰 付媛媛 孙淑芳 刘建兰 王 连 李春山 蒋艳琴 何凤亭 谭淑琴 (共127人)
2009年2月26日
根据难友们的提议,决定把历年来签名者中已故难友的名单附录如下,以尊重死者遗愿:吴学汉 苏冰娴 姚瑞生 杨世钰 袁长录 周淑珍 王国先 包玉田 林景培 寇玉生 孟金秀 张俊生 吴守琴 周治刚 孙秀芝 罗 让 严光汉 李贞英 邝涤清 (共19人) FOR IMMEDIATE RELEASE: IN OPEN LETTER, TIANANMEN MOTHERS URGE CHINA'S LEADERS TO INVESTIGATE JUNE 4
DATE: FEBRUARY 26, 2009
In advance of the 20th anniversary of the June 4, 1989, military crackdown on the democracy demonstrations in Tiananmen Square, the Tiananmen Mothers, a group of mothers and relatives who lost their loved ones during the government action, has asked Human Rights in China (HRIC) to make public a letter they have written to China’s leaders.
The letter appeals for:
Truth: an official investigation into the government's military action on June 3-4, 1989, and a public announcement of the death toll and the names of the dead; Compensations to the families of the victims of the military crackdown; Accountability: punishment according to law for those responsible for the killing. The letter likens the Chinese government's 20-year silence about what exactly happened during the crackdown to an "airtight iron chamber," from which the sorrow and anguish of the victims and their families are completely blocked off. The group urges the new generation of government leaders to "break the taboo" of June 4 for the sake of truth.
The letter is addressed to the deputies of the National People's Congress – China's legislature – and members of the national committee of the Chinese People's Political Consultative Conference (CPPCC) – the highest political advisory body to the government – who will convene their annual conferences in Beijing on March 5 and March 3, 2009, respectively.
-------------------------------------------------------------------------------- Please Show Courage, Break the Taboo, Face "June 4" Head On Open Letter by the Tiananmen Mothers February 26, 2009 [Translation by Human Rights in China]
The Honorable Deputies of the Eleventh Session of the Second Plenary of the National People's Congress and Committee Members of the Chinese People's Political Consultative Conference:
This year marks the 20th Anniversary of the "June Fourth" Massacre.
In the last century, on June 4, 1989, the Chinese authorities launched a massacre against peaceful demonstrators and civilians in the capital, seriously violating our country's constitution and breaching their duty, as leaders of a sovereign state, to protect the people. This was an unconscionable atrocity that grew from a longstanding contempt for human rights and civil rights.
Over this long stretch of time, government authorities deliberately played down "June Fourth," forbade discussion among our people of "June Fourth," and prohibited the media from touching on "June Fourth." China has become like an airtight "iron chamber," and all the demands of the people about "June Fourth," all the anguish, lament, and moaning of the victims' relatives and the wounded of "June Fourth," have been sealed off from this "iron chamber." Today, as the deputies and committee members of these "Two Meetings" are stately seated in this assembly hall, can you hear the cry from “June Fourth"? Can you hear the painful sighs of the families of the victims of "June Fourth"? But now, the bloodstains of that time have long been washed away and the bullet marks rubbed out, and the site of the massacre is now decorated with exotic plants and flowers and has become a scene of peace and prosperity.
But can all this conceal the sins of that time? Can it erase the sorrow of the relatives of the victims that deepens year after year?
No! It absolutely cannot. The "June Fourth" massacre has long secured its place in history's hall of shame. It absolutely cannot be diminished as a "political disturbance" or even a "serious political disturbance." It was nothing short of an unconscionable atrocity. No amount of force can negate the bitter reality of the hundreds and thousands of lives snatched away by guns and tanks twenty years ago.
Twenty years are not a short time; they are enough for a whole new generation to emerge. This new generation never experienced the bloodshed of that time, nor has it ever felt the desolate calm that settled on a killing field. It has passed; it seems that everything has passed. "Play not the songs of former dynasties; listen instead to the new tune of the 'Willow Branch.'"* In these 20 years, generations of our country's leaders have succeeded the one before, from the second generation to the third, and then the fourth. You deputies and committee members of the "Two Meetings" have also changed from session to session. The passage of time and the shift of circumstances seem to have given the party and country leaders a kind of opportunity to minimize "June Fourth" and push it to a distant corner of history.
Even so, China's Tiananmen Mothers cannot consent. On the question of defining "June Fourth" we feel that we cannot afford to be the least bit vague. Whether to adhere to the initial interpretation or to change it, we must base it on facts and let the truth do the talking. If Deng Xiaoping, then Chairman of the Central Military Commission of the Communist Party of China, was wrong in "suppressing the counterrevolutionary rebellion," then we must overturn it and correct it through established legal procedures and publicly announce it to the whole society, and should not explain it away with the vague term of "political disturbances."
The Tiananmen Mothers have always held one belief, and that is: act and speak according to the facts; accept no lies. From the start of our inquiry activities, we would repeatedly check and verify our data regarding the person of interest. As of now, not a single one of the 194 dead that we have examined had any history of violence. They are all among the innocent victims of that massacre. They gave their lives for the sake of justice and all we can do is return justice to them, to pursue the justice that comes late to them. Otherwise, we would not be able to face the spirit of the dead.
Since 1995, our group of "June Fourth" victims and loved ones return here every year to write to the "Two Meetings" with three requests for officially acknowledging "June Fourth." They are: start new investigations on the "June Fourth" incident, publicly announce death tolls, release a list of the names of the dead; clarify each case to the family members of the dead and compensate them according to law; investigate "June Fourth" cases to determine those responsible and punish them. To summarize, our three requests are: "Truth, Compensation, Responsibility."
We have always upheld the principles of peace and reason. We appeal to the two committees and government authorities to utilize the methods of democracy and open dialogue to come to a just resolution. Yet our requests have not been discussed in the "Two Meetings."
In 2006, we suggested the following in order to end the stalemate over "June Fourth" and ensure that the situation can develop along a steady path: use the principle of tackling the simpler problems first. The divisive issues that cannot be resolved or agreed upon easily can be set aside temporarily. Instead, first solve the issues that involve the basic rights of the victims and their personal interests. These issues include: 1) remove all monitoring of and restrictions on the movements of “June Fourth” victims and their families; 2) allow families of the dead to openly mourn their loved ones; 3) stop intercepting and confiscating both domestic and international humanitarian aid contributions, and return all the aid money that was previously frozen; 4) relevant government departments should, in humanitarian spirit, help the victims who are facing hard times to find employment and guarantee them a basic livelihood, without any political conditions; 5) remove political biases against the disabled victims of "June Fourth" such that they are treated as all other disabled persons in regards to communal participation and treatment by society, etc.
In 2008, we again proposed to the deputies of the "Two Meetings": in the world today, dialogue has replaced confrontation. The Chinese government advocates using dialogue to resolve differences and conflicts on international issues. Thus we have an even stronger basis to ask that the government authorities resolve the internal differences and conflicts in the same way. If we are able to use dialogue to replace confrontation on the problem of "June Fourth," it would benefit the whole country and be a blessing for all our people. The more dialogue we have, the more civility and law and order, and the less ignorance and tyranny. Dialogue does not lead society towards opposition and hatred, but rather, towards tolerance and reconciliation. Using dialogue to solve the problem of "June Fourth" is an imperative path toward societal reconciliation.
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